Thursday, 3 September 2026

Sri Lanka's living, dead and disappeared

 



Col R Hariharan | Sri Lanka Strategic Perspectives, August 2026 | www.security-risk.com


The month of August lived up to the caption of "the living, dead and disappeared." The month saw the end of the 10-day Kandy Esala Perahera festival in all its glory. The festival is organized by the Sri Dalada Maligawa (Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic) is a grand  expression of Sri Lanka’s ancient Sinhala Buddhist heritage of their religious and cultural traditions. Over 60 to 100 elephants participate in the Esala Perahera during its peak nights. The final night, known as the Grand Randoli Perahera, features the largest gathering where about 100  caparisoned elephants  walk along with over 1,000 cultural performers. There had been a fall in the number of tame elephants. The surviving elephants are advanced in age or have health issues. Temple officials often struggle to clear more than 60 to 70 healthy elephants fit enough to participate in the strenuous multi-hour parades.  At least four vets attend daily to ensure the elephants don't fall sick.

The third phase of excavations at the Chemmani mass grave site near Jaffna, Sri Lanka, concluded on August 19, 2026. After 110 days of excavation across three phases, 583 identified sets of remains have been recovered. However,  archaeological, forensic and carbon-14 dating examinations remain. A meeting of the authorities scheduled on October 14 is likely to take decisions on how to proceed thereafter. Excavations have been going on for 110 days and so far  583 sets of human remains have been recovered. However, the process remains heavily dependent upon pending archaeological, forensic and scientific assessments.  

Chemmani's discovery explains the seamless connection between the living, dead and missing as it is related to the rape and murder of school girl Krishanty 30 years ago by soldiers at Chemmani. Her mother, younger brother and a family friend were also killed when they went searching for her. The convicted soldier is said to have disclosed the existence of mass graves at Chemmani when he was prosecuted. The Island, Colombo daily has reported  the possibility of a fourth phase of excavation. The Judicial Medical Officer is expected to submit a proposal to the court seeking approval for a further 28 days of excavation. If the court grants approval, the proposal would then need to be forwarded to the Ministry of Justice for funding before any further excavation could begin.   Funding has already been allocated for examinations of the remains that have been excavated, and steps are expected to be taken to begin those investigations. According to the Island "Despite 110 days of excavation and the recovery of 583 sets of human remains, the process remains heavily dependent on pending archaeological, forensic and scientific assessments, with no definitive findings from those examinations yet available."
                                                                                                                                      Towards the end of the month on August 30 - another event of immense relevance to Sri Lanka -  the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances was observed globally.  The year marks the 20th anniversary of the  adoption of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, by the UN. It highlights the ongoing global crises and the demand for accountability of states.  According to Relief Web, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) tracks roughly 284,000 actively registered missing persons worldwide due to armed conflict. Based on this specific humanitarian baseline, three decades of war with Tamil separatists  and two Sinhala insurrections has given Sri Lanka the dubious distinction of having 60,000 to 100,000 people - that is  21% to 35% of historical global conflict caseloads of enforced disappearances. 

The callousness with which the issue of enforced disappearances of such a large number of the population has been handled in Sri Lanka is in sharp contrast to the way captive elephants that take part in Esela Perahara are treated.  The Sri Lankan government enacted the landmark Fauna and Flora (Protection, Well-being and Regularisation of Registration of Tamed Elephants) Regulations No. 01 of 2021  to crack down on widespread cruelty and illegal ownership of captive elephants, This law introduced specific mandates for daily care, tourism, and working conditions for captive elephants. Strict legislation demands that they must be provided with specific healthy diets to sustain their energy.  At times, the government has provided police or military escort to elephants travelling to Kandy to protect them from crowds.   

Though the Eelam War ended in May 2009, the Bill to establish the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) was presented in Parliament more than seven years later,  on 22 June 2016. The Office on Missing Persons (Establishment, Administration and Discharge of Functions) Act, No. 14 of 2016 (OMP Act) was passed in Parliament on 11 August 2016. But it took two years to activate the OMP  when President Maithripala Sirisena was in power,  on 28 February 2018. The OMP has been functioning in fits and starts; this is evident from its website https://www.omp.gov.lk On the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, OMP's Executive Director Dr Jeganathan Thatparan said though the OMP maintains 16,917 files of active cases of the reported 23,352 cases of missing persons, only 25 persons have been verified so far. Explaining the problems at a press meet on August 14, Dr Thatparan said the problem was duplicate cases of the same person.  

Financial allocation

The recent operational allocations represent an increase in focused funding for investigations of missing persons compared to previous years. However, the broader capital budgets for reparations have decreased or fluctuated compared to the high-water mark allocations initially established when these independent bodies were first set up. Despite the tight financial situation,  for the 2026 fiscal year   Sri Lanka Government has earmarked specific operational and compensation budgets divided across its primary transitional justice set up. This shows apart from political considerations of making a headway in the North and East, modicum of sincerity in the current NPP dispensation in Colombo.

Missing Persons Investigations: This fiscal Cabinet has allocated Rs. 375 million to the OMP. This funding is specifically to clear the backlog of roughly 11,000 pending investigations through 25 specialized investigation committees, aiming for completion by 2027.   In its initial years around 2018, the OMP  was granted a substantial initial allocation of Rs. 1.3 billion to build infrastructure, regional offices, and digital tracking databases. However, in subsequent fiscal cycles, as the infrastructure was completed, the allocation normalized to a much lower baseline. The recent injection of Rs. 375 million sends a clear message that President Dissanayaka government is serious about investigating the missing persons. At the same time, it is also meant to cover a sudden recruitment drive of 69 specialized legal, psychosocial, and field tracing staff to clear the backlog of roughly 11,000 cases.

Mass Graves (Exhumation): In the case of exhumation of mass graves,  budgets are approved piecemeal out of judicial allocations, national security ministries or supplementary local court finances whenever a magistrate officially orders an investigation. Such historical allocations were utilized during the Mannar and Matare  excavations.  The government has allocated local finances on an ongoing, project-by-project basis under judicial oversight. For example, a specific judicial budget of Rs. 12 million was authorized for the initial exhumation phases at the Chemmani mass grave site in Jaffna, with further financial commitments pledged locally as court directives dictate. 

Reparations for Conflict-Affected Persons:   Historically, Sri Lanka has never allocated a permanent, centralized annual budget line for mass grave exhumations.  In the 2019 National Budget, the Sri Lankan government had originally approved a sum of Rs. 500 million package for interim relief specifically targeting families of the disappeared (structured around monthly subsistence allowances of Rs. 6,000 per family holding a Certificate of Absence)   According to the Office for Reparations Annual Action Plan, Rs. 300 million has been estimated for "Death and Property Loss" applications earmarked for conflicts in the North and East. Additionally, a similar amount is earmarked for granting revival or interim payments specifically to missing persons' families. According to the media, the government has successfully disbursed initial interim/revival support to more than 5,700 families island-wide. 

Delivering transitional justice

Gautama Buddha’s teachings on governance focus on three things: moral responsibility of rulers, eradication of poverty, and leading by ethical example. In ancient Buddhist texts, the term "king" (Raja) represents what we modernly define as the government. The primary framework for a government's responsibility is found in the Dasa Raja Dharma (The Ten Duties of the King) from the Jataka texts. In the modern context as a Buddhist nation Sri Lanka government has a duty to be Generous (Dana), Moral (Sila), Altruistic (Paricca), Honesty (Ajjava), Gentleness (Maddava), Self-Control (Tapa), Non-Anger (Akkodha), Non-Violence (Ahimsa), Patience (Khanti) and Non-Opposition (Avirodhana).  Translated in simple terms the  administration must act with transparency, sincerity, and absolute loyalty to the public, avoiding corruption. Hope AKD's government understands that those seeking transitional justice are his people and follow Raja Dharma as laid down by Buddha.
Tailpiece: Sri Lankan authorities have brought back 66 suspects linked to organized crime and drug trafficking who had fled abroad, since the NPP government came to power. Police investigated 113 cases involving these suspects, resulting in the freezing of assets worth Rs. 6,000 million. Of this, Rs. 5,423 million in assets belong to 102 drug trafficking suspects, while Rs. 209 million belong to three organized crime figures. Assets worth Rs. 367 million tied to eight individuals connected to pyramid fraud, child abuse, and explosive material offenses. Among the frozen assets are 2 kilograms and 1,404 grams of gold, 136 acres of land, 55 houses, and 142 vehicles.
[Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Website: https://.col.hariharan@net Email:haridirect@gmail.com,]

Tuesday, 4 August 2026

Restructuring of Sri Lanka armed forces



Col R Hariharan | Sri Lanka Strategic Perspectives, July 2026 | www.security-risk.com

 

During the nearly three decades of fighting Tamil separatists and two insurrections by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the Sri Lanka armed forces had expanded. In three years of the final instalment of the Eelam, the Sri Lankan Armed Forces had employed approximately 300,000 to 450,000 personnel (across all branches of uniformed forces) to crush around 20,000 cadres of the LTTE.

When President Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected in 2005, military strength was only 125,000. However, by the time the last Eelam war ended in May 2009, the Army had tripled its strength. As the LTTE had a sea presence, the Sri Lanka Navy had expanded to about 48,000 personnel. Sri Lanka Air Force had roughly 28,000 to 30,000 personnel involved in the war. During the final offensive, the SLAF provided vital close-air support and reconnaissance. Nearly 80,000 paramilitary personnel including the Police, the Home Guards etc, were also involved in the final episode of Eelam war.

As the LTTE enigma continued to haunt Sri Lanka politics both internally and externally, Sri Lanka government did not make any serious effort to prune its bloated armed forces. In fact, the country did the exact opposite: it continued to recruit new personnel, maintained a massive standing military, and progressively increased its defence spending during peacetime.

When the island nation was going broke from months of food and fuel shortages in January 2023, the Ranil Wickremesinghe government announced that Sri Lanka will slash its army by a third to 135,000 personnel by 2024. The aim was to reduce it to 100,000 by 2030, the state minister of defence has said, as the country tried to cut costs.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, while addressing the Galle District Special Co-ordination Committee Meeting held on July 28, said four months after presenting a budget, it was not justifiable, from the perspective of the public, to allocate a larger share of resources towards maintaining Government operations. Accordingly, he noted the recurrent expenditure, which currently stands at 9%, while increasing capital expenditure, currently at 4%, to support greater investment in development.

The President further stated that plans are in place to allocate Rs.2 trillion for capital expenditure in 2027, representing an increase of approximately 40%.

President Dissanayaka was referring to Sri Lanka's 2026 national budget which was approved by the Parliament on 5 December 2025. In the approved estimates for the financial year 2026, total government expenditure is projected at SLRs 8.9tn ($30bn) for the year. This represents an increase of 1.6% as compared to the 2025 budget. Of the total, recurrent expenditure is estimated at SLRs 5.7tn ($19.1bn) and capital expenditure at SLRs3.3tn ($10.9bn).

Most of the Ministry of Defence budget goes for recurrent expenditure, and this year $1.29 billion was allocated for that purpose. Only about $203 million has been allocated for capital expenditure. The bulk of the Ministry of Public Security budget (about $540 million) has also been earmarked for recurrent expenses.

During his speech in Parliament as the Minister of Defence, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake said that his government is committed to the decision taken by the previous government to reduce troop numbers. 

“Our vision is to develop a technologically advanced military with a smaller yet more effective force by 2030. We plan to limit the size of our army to 100,000, the Air Force to 18,000, and the Navy to 40,000,” he said.

Progress in manpower reductions

Sri Lanka has made considerable progress in the military downsizing and technological modernization blueprint it had announced in January 2023. Though the blueprint was designed to pull the nation out of its worst financial crisis, its aim was to convert the bloated civil-war era armed forces into a streamlined, high-tech defence asset by 20230.

In a small country like Sri Lanka, armed forces are a source of government employment. So to prevent mass unemployment and social destabilisation that follows, the Ministry of Defence is said to have avoided haphazard layoffs. Instead, natural retirements and a strict attrition-based hiring freeze is being followed. This has enabled the intake of recruits to be kept below the number of outgoing retirees.

The structural changes follow a phased implementation schedule to achieve the aim by 2030. This involves aggressively trimming personnel costs, which had historically accounted for half of the entire public safety bill.

According to reports the Army has successfully met its interim target of shrinking active strength from over 200,000 personnel to 135,000. The final objective will be to further tighten it to 100,000 soldiers by 2030.

On the other hand, the Navy and the Air Force do not face such giant cuts. They have to systematically rebalance their rank and file. The SLN is on track to maintain a streamlined force of 40,000 sailors. The Air Force, on the other hand is settling roughly 18,000 to 30,000 to focus on Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) for maritime patrolling and anti-piracy operations.

Budget realities of technological modernisation

According to the restructuring blueprint, the money saved from wages was to fund technical upgrades. However, the realities of the domestic fiscal state with currency fluctuations and rising cost of defence modernization has resulted in increased defence allocations to SLRs 437 billion. This has made Sri Lanka heavily rely on international partnership.

Luckily, Sri Lanka enjoys a lot of international goodwill that has enabled it to acquire capital equipment as bilateral aid. India has provided a $5 million defence aid package for supply of advanced military stores, a trauma care system and vehicle fleets. India has also replaced  a Navy Dornier maritime surveillance aircraft to boost its aerial surveillance of its EEZ.

The US has completed a $3 million equipment transfer to SLAF delivering critical air mobility gear, C-130 aircraft spares and paving the way for Beechcraft King Air 360 ER aircraft integration to enhance maritime security.

China’s strategy

While Western nations and India have focused on providing Sri Lanka modern maritime surveillance assets, Beijing has adopted a multi-pronged approach to Sri Lanka armed forces downsizing and technological modernisation. The three facets of China’s role are economic facilitation, hardware supply and extensive military training.

China is Sri Lanka’s largest single bilateral creditor in 2022; so China’s agreement to restructure its debt enabled Sri Lanka to secure a $2.9 billion bailout package from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).This indirectly helped Sri Lanka to go through its armed forces reform.

Sri Lanka is dependent upon China for affordable, high-end defence hardware. This has enabled SLN to go ahead with naval fleet upgrades. For instance China delivered additional Type 053H2G frigates under a special transfer of technology arrangement. These are vital for Sri Lanka to patrol sea lanes of communication and prevent smuggling.  SLAF has inducted China-built Harbin Y-12 IV aircraft to maintain tactical mobility with a smaller standing workforce.

China has continued to provide direct material aid. These include a RMB 10 million ($1.4 million) supply package to the Ministry of Defence to subsidize its operational equipment cost. As Sri Lanka Army downsizes its personnel toward the 100,000 strength, it requires a highly specialized, technically capable officer corps to operate its modernizing systems. China has stepped in to fill this training gap: China has absorbed a "considerable number" of junior, middle-grade, and senior Sri Lankan military officers into its defence academies for advanced technological and strategy courses.

The President has the thankless task of pruning the bloated armed forces, while it continues to be relevant to the dynamic changes taking place in the strategic sphere. But downsizing an army is a delicate task, particularly if one wants it to be ready to perform in a sensitive strategic zone like the Indian Ocean.

I hope President Dissanayaka remembers  what US Army General Omar Bradley said on handling armed forces. He said, "An army is a delicate mechanism, not a mechanical structure that can be easily dismantled and rebuilt. You cannot prune the armed forces without weakening the entire defence posture of a nation.”


[Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Website: https://.col.hariharan@net Email:haridirect@gmail.com,]

Saturday, 4 July 2026

Sri Lanka: Coming to Terms with Corruption

 



Col R Hariharan | Sri Lanka Strategic Perspectives, June 2026| | www.security-risk.com

The month end saw Daily Mirror blaring “More arrests of lawyers, politicians and senior police officers are likely in the near future” following the arrest of Nadun Chinthaka Wickramaratne alias Harak Kata and the uncovering of his criminal network. His deeply entrenched criminal network centred around notorious drug kingpin highlights a dangerous nexus between transnational narcotics syndicates and state-level political corruption. Harak Kata is said to be heading a multi-million-dollar drug trafficking syndicate operating across Dubai, Malaysia, Singapore, the Maldives, and Madagascar, according to Ceylon Today.

Harak Kata’s dubious history defies Bollywood anti-heroes stereotyped in the OTT movies. He was initially detained at Dubai International Airport in August 2022 for using a forged passport. However, Dubai authorities released him in October 2022 thanks to systemic delays in processing his deportation paperwork. However, Madagascar law enforcement is said to have arrested Harak Kata and his primary bodyguard, Kudu Salindu at an airport in March 2023 after Interpol issued a Red Corner notice. He was promptly extradited back to Sri Lanka under the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).

In the meanwhile, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected and his administration energized stalled anti-corruption investigations. In late June 2026, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) is said to have exposed a massive bribery conspiracy aimed at sabotaging Harak Kata's detention. The CIABOC and the CID are now jointly conducting investigations into the case. The arrest and remand of three more individuals - Rakitha Rajapaksa, the son of former Justice Minister

Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, Charith Abeysinghe - a former Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) organizer - and former Director of the Civil Aviation Authority Aruna Sri Chathuranga, connected to the case has sent shock waves across the country.

According to documents submitted in the Court in March 2023, the three individuals flew to Dubai to meet Harak Kata’s wife. They are alleged to have demanded a LKR 500 million ($1.5 million) bribe to revoke Harik Kata’s detention order, release from the Boosa High-Security Prison, and arrange his flight out of the country. An advance of LKR 120 million was said to have been transacted.

Adding to the scandal is Harak Kata’s allegation to the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID) that his detention was a direct retaliation for his refusal to pay a separate LKR 300 million bribe. The bribe was demanded by former Public Security Minister Tiran Alles and suspended Inspector General of Police (IGP) Deshabandu Tennakoon.

More scams in the offing

Harak Kata’s is only one of the scams surfacing during the month. CIABOC has arrested Shyamila Perera for alleged corruption during her tenure as Chairperson of the National Lotteries Board.

An officer serving as a senior assistant secretary attached to the Parliamentary and Cabinet Affairs Division of the Presidential Secretariat has been arrested. He had previously been working as a deputy controller of the Foreign Missions Division of the Department of Immigration and Emigration. He had allegedly helped underworld criminal ‘Karandeniye Raju’, to obtain a passport under a different name while serving in the Immigration Department in 2023.

Overhauling the system

President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka has vowed to end corruption. It is not going to be an easy task when political corruption permeates the system. To prevent politicians exploiting systemic weaknesses, requires a comprehensive shift from ad-hoc enforcement to structural institutional immunity. It must systematically block vulnerabilities within the system. There is enough material available with global NGOs and international bodies like Transparency International, IMF and World Bank.

First and foremost, political influence must be stripped from oversight bodies. This wouldrequire depoliticising CIABOC from executive or  political influence. Temporary secondment of police personnel to the anti-corruption commission has to be halted. Instead induct specialised forensic accountants, digital investigators, and tax auditors permanently.

Empower the Proceeds of Crime Recovery and Management Authority to independently freeze, forfeit, and manage stolen public assets without waiting for lengthy political trials to finish.

Government procurement and State owned enterprises (SOE) are sources of corruption.

Enact a public procurement law, particularly in infrastructure and state contracts. Enforce open bidding of tenders and follow a unified legal framework to ensure it.

Replace manual discretion-based permit and licensing systems with automated digitaworkflows. Already this is in force in CIABOC; it introduced a digital case-file tracking system to eliminate file tampering and ensure workflow transparency.

Restructure state enterprises like Ceylon Petroleum Corporation or Sri Lankan Airlines to halt their usual practice of treating large SOEs as tools of political patronage. Install independent, performance-tied boards for their healthy performance.

Securing fiscal and revenue integrity is important for corruption free administration. This requires stable tax administration; so, the practice of granting ad hoc exemptions to tax laws to return political favours should be avoided.

The databases of the Inland Revenue Department, Sri Lanka Customs, and the Department of Motor Traffic should be interlinked. This would help digital cross-referencing to prevent politicians and high-net-worth individuals from masking illegal earnings and tax avoidance.

Political and Constitutional reforms

Perhaps the most difficult part of ensuring a corruption-free administration facing President Dissanayaka will be political and constitutional reforms. The Election Commission should be empowered to strictly monitor and audit campaign spending. This will reduce political corruption behind elections. Ensure the asset verification provisions of the Anti-Corruption Act No 9 (2023).

Tail piece: Abolish executive presidency

Lastly, abolish executive overreach by limiting or eliminating the concentrated powers of the Executive Presidency as promised before the election by President Dissanayaka. If the President does it, his credibility will get a boost. It will also pave the way to restore the system of checks and balances between the parliament, the judiciary and independent commissions. But only AKD has the answer!

[Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Website: https://.col.hariharan@net Email:haridirect@gmail.com,]


Wednesday, 3 June 2026

Will Vijay as Tamil Nadu CM impact India-Sri Lanka relations?



Col R Hariharan | Sri Lanka Strategic Perspectives, May 2026| www.security-risk.com

 

Tamil Nadu politics is very closely followed in Sri Lanka. Of course, this is to be expected given the close cultural and historic links among the people living only 40 km across the Palk Straits. More importantly, among the people of Tamil Nadu, there is widespread support for Sri Lanka Tamils' quest for equity, particularly during the Eelam wars.

In the Tamil Nadu elections for the state assembly held in May 2026, belying most of the poll forecasters, the actor-turned politician Vijay (Joseph Vijay in real world) led the two-year old Thamizhaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) to win the largest number of seats (108) – just 5 short of absolute majority in the 224-member Tami Nadu assembly. Ultimately, Vijay was sworn in as Chief Minister after he satisfied the governor that he had majority support.

CM Vijay is likely to enjoy a better equation with the Centre and PM Narendra Modi than MK Stalin whose DMK was a leading member of the INDIA opposition group.

The election of TVK as the single largest party and the political machinations that followed before TVK could form the government have shown the following home truths on Tamil Nadu politics:

·      Charisma still counts over Ideology in Tamil Nadu. TVK’s rise shows that voters can rally behind a personality-driven movement even without a coherent ideological framework. Traditional Dravidian parties- DMK, AIADMK, MDMK etc – need to recognize the limitations of their Dravidian doctrinal. Charismatic Vijay has shown a mix of social justice added to celebrity appeal can mobilize mass support faster than Dravidian doctrine.

·      Youth power to the fore: The TVK leader has appealed to young voters and women voters by addressing specific issues of crimes against women, spread of drugs due to corrupt policing and spread of alcoholism due to state-controlled TASMAC vends. In an era Gen-A is busy with online with reels and Instagram, young leaders of TVK were probably more adept in using the online media to reach first time voters. The youthful flavour of TVK’s campaign seems to have worked in favour of TVK rather than the Dravidian duopoly dominated by older leadership.

·      Anti-Incumbency still dominates: There is no doubt that DMK faced strong anti-incumbency backlash, with voters seeking alternatives outside the Dravidian duopoly. The sidelining of the two major Dravidian parties, both with a long record in government, showed voters prefer good governance more than ideology.

·      Dravidian consensus: TVK’s victory has shown the fragmentation of Dravidian consensus that dominated TN politics. Political parties will have to refurbish their Dravidian-centric dialogue relevant to the 21st century on social justice, reservations and welfare debates as TVK has done.

Issues that affect India-Sri Lanka relations

The TVK’s election also reflects the generational change across the Palk Strait where young Tamil voters, especially urban and semi-urban, are less emotionally tied to the Sri Lankan Tamil struggle than earlier generations. Probably, it also reflects the geo-political fatigue over the long fought civil war in Sri Lanka, wiping out two generations of Tamils. In short, the Sri Lankan Tamil Cause in Tamil Nadu has transited from an election mobilizing issue to a symbolic heritage issue. President AK Dissanayaka should use this opportunity to improve relations with Tamil Nadu which is clocking around 12 percent in India’s development agenda. As a first measure he will have to offer some visible concessions on the contentious Tamil issue (see below) before inviting CM Vijay to Colombo, as a reflection of his good will towards Tamils.

There are two hardy perennial Tamil issues that affect India-Sri Lanka relations: one relates to Tamil politics in Sri Lanka, while the other affects Tamil Nadu politics.

Full powers for Provincial Councils.

PM Modi has been repeatedly harping on Sri Lanka giving full powers to Provincial Councils created under 13th Amendment to the Sri Lanka Constitution in accordance with Indo-Sri Land Accord 1987. It is high time the ruling NPP took a decision on this which does not require constitutional amendment. This will improve the image of the NPP not only in Northern and Eastern provinces, but in Tamil Nadu as well.

Indo-Sri Lanka Maritime issues

There are three components to the maritime domain between India and Sri Lanka. These relate to traditional fishing rights along the Gulf of Mannar claimed by Tamil Nadu on the Sri Lankan side of the International Maritime Boundary (IMB) between the two countries. Sri Lanka’s ownership of Katchatheevu, an islet falling on the Sri Lanka side of the IMB. Use of bottom trawling by Tamil Nadu fishing trawlers despite the ban in Sri Lanka is yet another issue. This has resulted in wiping out of fauna and flora along Sri Lankan and Indian coasts. This has led to apprehension of Tamil Nadu fishermen in the Gulf of Mannar by the Sri Lankan Navy with their trawlers and nets, which continues.

In answer to a Rajya Sabha question the MEA of India last year said, “Indian fishermen are arrested from time to time by Sri Lankan authorities for allegedly crossing the IMB and fishing in Sri Lankan waters. The IMB was agreed upon between the Governments of India and Sri Lanka in 1974. The then-State Government of Tamil Nadu was consulted by the Union Government before its finalization. Another agreement in 1976, through a formal exchange of letters by the then-Union Government and its Sri Lankan counterpart, stipulated that the fishing vessels and fishermen of India shall not engage in fishing in the historic waters, the territorial sea and the exclusive zone of Sri Lanka.”

The Government has said “since 2014, endeavoured to address the livelihood interests of our fishing community and its humanitarian aspects. The Government has been consistently taking up these issues, including the early release and repatriation of Indian fishermen and fishing boats, as well as the fines imposed, with the Sri Lankan Government through bilateral mechanisms, diplomatic channels, and various official interactions.

According to the MEA, “Prime Minister in his recent meetings with the Sri Lankan President (05 April 2025) and Prime Minister (17 October 2025) conveyed that this issue may be considered purely on humanitarian and livelihood grounds and that the use of force should be avoided under all circumstances. Concerted efforts of the Government have so far resulted in the release and repatriation of 3642 Indian fishermen since May 2014.”

The TVK party holds a strong Tamil-nationalist stance on maritime and fishing specific issues related to Sri Lanka. TVK asserts that Katchatheevu is India's rightful land. Vijay has repeatedly demanded that the Central government permanently retrieve the islet from Sri Lanka to halt the ongoing crisis affecting Tamil Nadu fishermen. As a temporary measure to protect fishing communities, TVK has urged PM Narendra Modi to negotiate 99-year lease of the islet. Sri Lanka President might explore this issue as a goodwill gesture to partly defuse the issue. This could encourage further Tamil Nadu investment in Sri Lanka.

These measures are unlikely to provide a lasting solution as the fishermen issue is much more than Kachchatheevu. It has its roots in Indian fishermen bottom trawling in Sri Lankan waters that has resulted in unsustainable exploitation of fisheries, and the crossing of the maritime boundary. Unless these are addressed there is little hope of resolving the issues permanently.

Priorities of CM Vijay

Right now, CM Vijay’s priority is survival of the TVK government. The DMK will be happy to bring down the TVK government when the split votes in AIADMK who supported the TVK, is resolved to TVK's detriment. We can expect CM Vijay to politically strengthen the TVK government in the next six months. We can expect him to take up Sri Lanka related issues thereafter. The uncertainty in politics is common. As British Prime Ministeri Harold Wilson noted "a week is a long time in politics" given how rapidly power dynamics, public opinions and national fortunes can shift.

[Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Website: https://.col.hariharan@net  Email: haridirect@gmail.com,]

Saturday, 9 May 2026

ஆபரேஷன் சிந்தூர் - நாம் கற்றதும், கல்லாததும்

கர்னல் ஆர் ஹரிஹரன்        

பாகிஸ்தானை எதிர்த்து இந்திய ராணுவப் படைகள் கடந்த ஆண்டு மே மாதத்தில் தொடுத்த ஆபரேஷன் சிந்தூர் 1971-ல் இந்தியா நடத்திய போருக்கு பிறகு நடத்திய மிகப்பெரிய போராகும்.

மே 6 மற்றும் மே 10, 2025 ஆகிய தேதிகளுக்கு இடையே நிகழ்ந்த ஐந்து நாள் போர், பல அரசியல் மற்றும் ராணுவப் பாடங்களை வழங்குகிறது. அவற்றில் மிகவும் முக்கியமானது, பகல்காமில் தீவிரவாத தாக்குதலுக்கு பதிலடியாக ஆபரேஷன் சிந்தூர் மூலம்   பாகிஸ்தானில் உள்ள தீவிரவாத இயக்கங்களின் கேந்திரங்களை அழித்ததன் மூலம் இந்தியா பாகிஸ்தான் தீவிரவாத அரசியலை முடிவுக்கு கொண்டு வரும் என்ற புதிய அரசியல் நிலைப்பாட்டை தெளிவாக்கியது.

இந்த நிலைப்பாட்டை இந்தியாவின்  “புதிய இயல்பு” (New Normal) என்று பிரதமர் நரேந்திர மோடி தெளிவு படுத்தியுள்ளது குறிப்பிடத் தக்கது.

பல களங்களில் இந்தியா அதி தீவிரமாக நடத்திய இந்தப் போரில், முதல் முறையாக ராணுவம் இந்தியாவில் தயாரித்த பிரமோஸ் ஏவுகணைகள் மற்றும் எதிரி விமானங்களை எதிர்த்து இந்தியாவில் உருவாக்கப்பட்ட நவீன உள்நாட்டு பல்லடுக்கு வான் பாதுகாப்பு வலையமைப்பைப் பயன்படுத்தியது. இந்தியா முழுவதும் உள்ள ராணுவ நிலைகளைக் குறிவைத்து பாகிஸ்தானிலிருந்து வந்த ஆளில்லா விமானங்கள் மற்றும் ஏவுகணைகளின் தொடர் தாக்குதல்களை முறியடிப்பதில் இவை முக்கிய பங்காற்றின.

இதைத்தவிர, இந்தப் போர் இந்தியாவின் முப்படைகளும் ஒருங்கிணைந்த தலைமையின் கீழ் முதன் முறையாக ஒருங்கிணைந்து செயல் பட்டன. அதே மாதிரி முதன் முறையாக உள்நாட்டில் தயாரான சுற்றித்திரியும் வெடிமருந்துகள் (Loitering munitions), ஆளில்லா விமானங்கள் உள்ளிட்ட ஆயுதங்களை போருக்கு உபயோகித்தை சீனா மற்றும் பாகிஸ்தான் ஆகிய அண்டை நாடுகள் கவனித்திருப்பார்கள்

இந்த போரில் பாகிஸ்தான் பகுதிகளான பஞ்சாப் மற்றும் ஆக்கிரமிப்பில் உள்ள காஷ்மீரில் (PoJK)துல்லியமான தாக்குதல்களுக்கு விமானப் போருடன்,ஏவுகணைகள் மற்றும் ஆளில்லா விமானங்கள் ஆகியவை இணந்து செயல்பட்டதின் மூலம்  இந்திய ராணுவத்தின் போர்முறை கொள்கையில் ஒரு புதிய அத்தியாயம் என்று கூறலாம்.

இந்த மாற்றம் முப்படைகளுக்கு இடையேயான வெற்றிகரமான ஒருங்கிணைப்பையும், "ஆத்மநிர்பர்" (தற்சார்பு) பாதுகாப்புத் திறன்களையும் வெளி படுத்தியுள்ளது.

இதில், முப்படைகளும் மிகச் சிறப்பாகச் செயல்பட்ட அம்சங்கள் ஒருபுறம் இருந்தாலும், எதிர்கால மோதல்களுக்கான தயார்நிலையை உறுதிசெய்யும் வகையில் கூடுதல் கவனம் தேவைப்படும் அம்சங்களும் ள்ளன.

முக்கிய குறைபாடுகள் என்ன என்பதை பார்க்கலாம். இந்த குறைபாடுகளை நீக்க வழி காணா விட்டால் முப்படைகளின் தயார்நிலை குறைய ஏதுவாகும்.  

பாகிஸ்தான் தீவிரவாதிகள் காஷ்மீரில் சுற்றுலா ஸ்தலமான பஹல்காமில் 26 சுற்றுலா பயணிகளை, அவர்கள் இந்துக்கள் என்ற ஒரே காரணத்துக்காக உயிரை குடித்தார்கள். அந்த லஷ்கர் தீவிரவாதிகளின் ஊடுரவலைப் பற்றிய விவரங்கள் எந்த ஒரு நு்ண்ணறிவுத் துறைக்கோ அல்லது போலீசுக்கு வரவில்லை. இத்தகைய குறைபாடுகளை தவிர்க்க அந்த அமைப்புகளை முடுக்கி விடவேண்டும் என்பதில் ஐயம் இல்லை.

கடந்த ஆண்டில் (2025–2026), இந்தியப் பாதுகாப்பு மற்றும் நுண்ணறிவு அமைப்புகள் குறைந்தது 15 முதல் 20 வரையிலான பயங்கரவாதக் குழுக்களை (modules) முறியடித்து உள்ளன. இவற்றில் பெரும்பான்மை- யானவை ஐசிஸ், அல்-கயிதா, ஐயிஷ் ஏ மொகம்மத் மற்றும் கஷ்மீரில் இயங்கும் அன்சர் கஸ்வா ஏ ஹிந்த் (AGH) போன்ற ஜிஹாதி அமைப்புகளுடன் தொடர்புடையவையாக இருந்தன. இவற்றுள், சுமார் 10 முதல் 12 குழுக்கள் வெளிப்படையாகவே ஜிஹாதித் தன்மையைக் கொண்டவையாக இருந்தன; எஞ்சியவை பப்பர் கல்ஸா (BKI) போன்ற காலிஸ்தான் குழுக்களுடனும், போதைப்பொருள் சார்ந்த பயங்கரவாத வலைப்பின்னல்களுடனும் தொடர்புடையவையாக இருந்தன.

குஜராத் பயங்கரவாத எதிர்ப்புப் படையினர் (ATS), ஐசிஸ்(ஆப்கானிஸ்தான்) அமைப்பைச் சேர்ந்த மூன்று பேரைக் கைதுசெய்தனர்; இரசாயன முன்னோடிப் பொருட்களைக் கைப்பற்றினர்.

உத்திர பிரதேசத்தில் அல்-கொய்தா பிரச்சாரக் குழு: செயல்பாட்டாளர் மற்றும் 4,000-க்கும் மேற்பட்ட பாகிஸ்தான் தொடர்புடையவர்களை உத்தரப் பிரதேச பயங்கரவாத எதிர்ப்புப் படையினர், கைது செய்துள்ளனர்.

ஆகவே தொடர்ந்து எல்லை மாநிலங்கள், முக்கியமாக குஜராத், பஞ்சாப், அஸ்ஸாம், மேற்கு வங்கம் மற்றும் காஷ்மீர் மாநிலங்கள், மத்திய அரசுடன்  ஒருங்கிணைந்து செயல் படவேண்டிய கட்டாயம் ஏற்பட்டு்ள்ளது. கட்சி வேறுபாடுகளை ஒதுக்கி தீவிரவாதத்தை எதிர்த்த செயல்படுவதில் இன்னும் தேவையான முன்னேற்றம் ஏற்படவில்லை என்பது துக்ககரமான சம்பவமே.

இரண்டாவதாக, இந்தியா போரில் வென்றாலும், அதைப் பற்றிய விவரங்களை பத்திரிகை உலகுக்கு தெரிவிப்பதில் தாமதம் ஏற்பட்டது. இதற்கு மாறாக, பாகிஸ்தான் போரைப்பற்றிய பொய்யான தகவல்களை மேற்கத்திய ஊடகங்கள் மூலம் முந்திக் கொண்டு பரப்பியது குறிப்பிடத் தக்கது. உடனுக்குடன் செய்திகள் மின்வலைகள் மூலம் பரவும் இக்காலத்தில், இத்தகைய மெத்தனம் அரசியல் மற்றும் பாதுகாப்பு குறைபாடுகளைப் பற்றிய தவறான செய்திகளை பரப்ப எதிரி நாடுக்கு உதவும் என்பதில் ஐயம் இல்லை.  

மேலும், ஆபரேஷன் சிந்தூரின் போது, அமெரிக்க அதிபர் டொனால்ட் டிரம்ப் பாகிஸ்தானுக்கு முக்கியத்துவம் கொடுத்து, தானே இந்திய-பாகிஸ்தான் போரில் அமைதிகாண உதவியதாக பல முறை கூறியுள்ளார். இதை அவர் சுய ஆதாயத்துக்காக கூறினாலும் அதை வலுவாக மறுக்க இந்திய வெளியுறவு அலுவலகம் தவறியது. அத்தகைய அந்நிய தலையீட்டை எவ்வாறு கையாள வேண்டும் என்பதை இந்தியா சிந்தித்து செயல்பட வேண்டும்.

கர்ல் ஆர் ஹரிஹரன் ராணுவ நுண்ணறிவுப் பிரிவில் ஏறக்குறைய 25 ஆண்டுகள் தெற்காசிய அரசியல் மற்றும் தீவிரவாதங்களை பற்றிய ஆய்வில் பங்கு பெற்றவர்.