India-Sri Lanka Relations: New Challenges

Debate : India-Sri Lanka Relations: New Issues and Perspectives

India-Sri Lanka Relations: New Challenges

R Hariharan* | Courtesy: Indian Foreign Affairs Journal Vol. 14, No. 1, January- March 2019, 1-57

Foreign relations have occupied an important place in Narendra Modi’s vision for India during his just concluded first term as Prime Minister. In fact, ‘Neighbourhood First’ was the central theme when he started off as Prime Minister, inviting the Heads of State of SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) countries for his inaugural function in 2014. However, Pakistan’s continued refusal to give up the use of extremist jihadi outfits operating from its soil to bleed India has prevented SAARC from evolving into a full-fledged effective regional grouping. So, India’s relations with its  neighbours have, perforce, been bilateral rather than multilateral.

However, after his resounding victory in the May 2019 general elections, Prime Minister Modi invited the heads of BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiativefor Multi-Sectoral Technical Economic Cooperation) countries - Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Nepal and Bhutan - for his swearing in ceremony on 30 May 2019. This probably indicates Prime Minister Modi’s shift of focus from ‘Neighbourhood First’ to ‘Act East’ involving the BIMSTEC nations. In fact, Prime Minister Modi is slated to visit the Maldives to address the Majlis (parliament), followed by a visit to Sri Lanka within the first ten days of assuming office for the second term. This seems to indicate that India’s foreign policy priority will now be to build strong relations with its IOR neighbours, particularly Sri Lanka and Maldives.

This will also be in keeping with Prime Minister Modi’s SAGAR (Security and Growth for All), launched in 2015, for developing the blue economy of Indian Ocean Rim Countries. The maritime initiative seeks to create a climate of trust and transparency, respect for international maritime rules and increase in maritime cooperation with Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles, and Bangladesh. Though SAGAR has had moderate success, its importance is increasing more than ever before. The growing strategic power play between China and the USA and its allies in the Indo-Pacific is affecting the strategic interests of India and the BIMSTEC countries.

India-Sri Lanka relations are moving away from traditional concerns and collaborations due to the dynamic changes in the strategic environment in South Asia and the IOR. Sri Lanka has emerged as an important partner of China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) -its strategic economic infrastructure project. The BRI includes the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR), which aims at strengthening maritime infrastructure between China and Asia, Africa and Europe.

China took the risk of making huge investments in economically unviable projects in Sri Lanka at the end of two and half decade long war between Sri Lankan government and Tamil separatists represented by LTTE. Sri Lanka now owes China US$ 8 billion and finds it difficult to service the debt. After the US$ 1.6 billion Hambantota port proved a burden, Sri Lanka signed an agreement with the state-owned China  Merchants Ports Holdings Company (CMPort) which agreed to pay US$ 1.12 billion for 85 percentshare of Hambantota port for 99 years. India has been watching with concern China gaining control of Hambantota port as it legitimises its strategic presence within India’s sphere of influence in the Indian Ocean. The Colombo Port City project (originally conceived as part of Western Region Megapolis) was started in 2014. However, the project - to be built by Chinese contractors at a cost of US$ 1.5 billion on 112 hectares of reclaimed land in Colombo’s Galle Face promenade - courted a lot of controversy. It went through a series of conceptual changes, and has now been rechristened as Colombo International Financial Centre, a self contained smart city project. It is expected to be completed in October 2019. However, to be profitable, all these projects would need Indian participation. 

The Chinese are aware of this requirement, and will always factor in this aspect while negotiating with Indian counterparts. Using Sri Lanka as a takeoff point, China is now gaining not only a military advantage but also a commercial edge in South Asia. When the China- Sri Lanka free trade agreement (FTA) comes through, Chinese business is capable of using India’s FTA with Sri Lanka to gain backdoor entry into Indian markets. 

In this complex environment, two main issues emerge: managing China’s strategic power play in Sri Lanka, and managing the Jihadi terrorist threat in Sri Lanka.

The first issue is Sri Lanka emerging as a pivot in the IOR as a result of China’s growing strategic assertion in the IOR, and the flexing of its naval power in the Indo-Pacific. China’s show of force to assert its sovereignty over the whole of South China Sea has become a source of international concern not only for India but also for the USA and its East Asian and European allies. India has maintained its strategic autonomy in dealing with this issue, while trying to strengthen its maritime and naval cooperation with the USA, Japan, and France to protect its national interests in the Indo-Pacific. In this environment, how should India build a win-win relationship with Sri Lanka?

China’s maritime assets created in the IOR, including Hambantota, extend now from Djibouti in the west to the South China Sea in the east. This is a challenge to not only to India’s strategic construct but also that of the USA, Japan, and its Pacific allies. They are coming together to build their collective strength to face the challenge posed by an increasingly assertive China. With these moves, the centre of gravity of global strategic power is shifting slowly to the IOR.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abeenjoy a close rapport in shaping India-Japan strategic relationship. “Towards a Free, Open and Prosperous Indo-Pacific” - the title of the joint statement issued during PM Shinzo Abe’s visit to India on 14 September 2017 – eloquently underlines the strategic focus of the relationship between the two countries. The recent example of Sri Lanka, Japan, and India signing an agreement to jointly develop the East Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo Port is a very good example of Indo-Japan collaboration taking on China’s economic challenge in Sri Lanka. The project is estimated to cost US$ 500 to 700 million. Unlike Hambantota, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) retains 100 percent ownership of the ECT.

From the Indian point of view, the more sinister issue will be China trying to influence elections in Sri Lanka as it is said to have done in support of Mahinda Rajapaksa during the 2015 presidential election through Chinese companies. An investigative article on the controversial Hambantota port project in the New York Times (25 June 2018) gave details on such Chinese assistance. The article “How China Got Sri Lanka to Cough up a Port” by Maria Habi-Abib explained how China dictated terms on utilising  Sri Lanka’s need for financing the Hambantota port,  not only to benefit Chinese state owned companies, but also to further China’s strategic interests. Mahinda Rajapaksa played an important role in furthering Chinese strategy in Sri Lanka. 

The report gives details of how China corrupted the electoral process to ensure President Rajapaksa’s election in the 2015 election (of course, it failed). Internal investigation reports give the details of China Harbor’s bank account, which “dispensed” at least US$ 7.6 million t o the affiliates of Rajapaksa. The report says that, ten days before the polls, US$ 3.7 million was distributed in cheques to buy gifts (including saris) for supporters, print campaign promotional material, and the paying of US$ 38000 to a “popular Buddhist monk” and to volunteers. The report said that most of the payments were made from China Harbor’s sub account named “HPDP Phase 2” - an acronym for the Hambantota Port Development Project.

The second issue pertains to the terrorist jehadi threat. Nine members of a local Muslim radical outfit - the National Thowheed Jamaath (NTJ) – carried out in all nine blasts in three churches and three luxury hotels in Sri Lanka on Easter Day (21 April 2019), killing 253 people and injuring over 500. A week later, the Islamic State (IS) claimed responsibility for the attack. Although India had passed on information 12 days in advance to Sri Lanka regarding the planned attack (including the names of persons involved) both President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe said they had no knowledge of the information. Evidently, the schism between the two leaders, which started in October 2018 after the President made a vain bid to sack Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, seems to be affecting government functioning in matters of national security. A further probe has revealed that Zaharan Hashim, the leader of the NTJ, probably had links with IS suspects in Kerala and Karnataka. Buddhist fringe elements took the opportunity to carry out massive anti-Muslim riots in North-western province, even as the police watched.

 Intelligence and security personnel from India, the USA, and the UK have reached Sri Lanka to help the investigation into the IS inspired terrorist strike. According to a Daily Mirror columnist, China - perhaps unnerved by the US and UK security agents landing in Sri Lanka in the wake of the blasts - sent “a message” for President Sirisena from Chinese President Xi Jinping. He has said that President Sirisena should come to Beijing, and President Sirisena has confirmed he would. In what is a very significant development, when he arrived in Beijing, President Xi chaired a joint Sri Lanka-China bilateral meeting on security co-operation with Colombo. One of the key decisions taken was on “strengthening co-operation in the defence sector and sharing intelligence between Sri Lanka and China” - an aspect that has been incorporated into the new defence agreement. President Sirisena briefed the meeting on the Easter Sunday massacres carried out by pro-IS Muslim extremist groups.

According to the article, before he left Colombo, President Sirisena explained that Sri Lanka did not have the technological expertise and equipment “to trace persons who were promoting terrorism and spreading false information. President Xi agreed to provide both expertise and equipment. He will also send a technical team to Sri Lanka to train personnel.” President Sirisena also agreed to a government-to-government deal for the hi-tech surveillance of Colombo City on the lines of “smart cities.” The article said this would also cover the Hambantota Port and the Colombo Port City, both constructed with heavy Chinese funding.

Under these circumstances, India will have to work hard to improve cooperation and coordination of counter terrorism strategies at the operational level. This would include networked real time exchange of information, exchange of data and details, and the tracing of the movement of people and money using electronic surveillance. Some of the specific areas to be addressed include the following:

·         Developing a counter narrative against Jihadi terrorists using social media. It has been noticed that the IS uses social media to carry out decentralized control of various affiliates in countries across the continents from Syria to Central Africa to South Asia to the Philippines. Blocking social media is a near impossible method except for short periods. So India and Sri Lanka, along with other like-minded countries, can develop a technology hub to study and train personnel to establish and operate such hubs for real time intelligence collection, identify grey and black propaganda, block fake news.

·          Prevent money laundering, the smuggling of arms, drugs and people.

·          Exchange identity details to identify suspects transiting between countries on a real time basis using digital technology.

·          Specific training for handling terrorist situations, and standardized drillsfor fast response.

·          Form joint teams where necessary to carry out follow up action seamlessly across the borders. Carry out periodic reviews and assess developing situations to provide better understanding.

Indo-Sri Lanka relations are heading for an eventful period because Sri Lanka is undergoing a period of political instability due to rival power centres headed by Mahinda Rajapaksa, President Sirisena, and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe who are all eyeing the next presidential poll, to be announced towards the end of the year. The draft Constitution - which was to usher in yahapalana (good governance), is still in incubation - like many other ideas. The vexed issues of ethnic reconciliation and the free and fair investigation into the allegations of war crimes against the Sri Lankan army towards the end of the Eelam War 2009 (as required by the UN Human Rights Council) are still hanging fire. The economy is in shambles, with mounting debt restricting the government’s freedom of action. Under these circumstances, Sri Lanka will require a lot of understanding and hand-holding from India, which is “family,” while China is a “friend” - as former President Rajapaksa once remarked. *

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* The Author, Col. R. Hariharan, a retired MI officer, contributed this article  on June 1, 2019. He served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group, and the International Law and Strategic  Studies Institute.

Sri Lanka Perspectives - August 2019

Col R Hariharan| 31-8-2019| Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, Aug 2019 | www.security-risks.com |

Gota in presidential race  

The decision of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) to field Gotabaya Rajapaksa, former defence secretary and brother of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, as its candidate for the presidential election due in December 2019 was not unexpected. However, it indicates President Maithripala Sirisena’s hope of SLFP joining hands with SLPP to nominate a common candidate to fight the UNP has ended. Joint Opposition(JO) leader Mahinda Rajapaksa has said talks with SLFP will not change the SLPP decision on Gotabaya’s candidacy. 

UNP deputy leader and Minister Sajith Premadasa is making a strong bid for UNP nomination. He is banking on his father Ranasinghe Premadasa’s   long association with UNP. The elder Premadasa served as PM from 1978 to 1988 and President from 1988 to 1993, during the crucial years when Indian forces were fighting the LTTE in Sri Lanka.  Sajith has made clear of his intention to contest the presidential election. 

However, the party chief Ranil Wickremesinghe does not seem to be keen to nominate Sajith as there are other senior leaders like Karu Jayasurya, with rich political experience. Forty UNP MPs out of the party’s 77 members are said to have signed a letter requesting the UNP chief to nominate Sajith. MP Hesha Withanage speaking on behalf of the Sajith group, has said UNP legislators functioning as ministers at different levels would give up their position unless Premadasa was named as the party candidate. However, the UNP chief seems to be still undecided. The delay in UNP picking its candidate has given Gotabaya a head start in the presidential race.  

As architects of victory over the Tamil insurgent group LTTE, Gotabaya and Mahinda enjoy wide popularity among the people, particularly among Sinhala nationalist segment.  The last time people went to polls - the local government elections in 2015 - the SLPP-Joint Opposition (JO) polled 42 percent of the votes indicating that Mahinda has retained his support base, despite losing the presidential election. Gotabaya would build upon this Rajapaksa-loyal segment for his election campaign.

In the run up to the election, Gotabaya is likely to flaunt his achievement in ending the Tamil insurgency in contrast to the security failure of the government to prevent the Easter terrorist blasts despite advance information. With his reputation as a strongman and disciplinarian, Gotabaya will capitalize on the fear psychosis among sections of the people after the Easter attacks. Accepting his nomination Gotabaya  at a party conference  aid “I will accept responsibility to your safety and the safety of your children and your loved ones,”

Infighting between President Sirisena and PM Wickremesinghe has introduced an element of instability in the performance of the government. The backlash against Muslims after the attack has brought back the incendiary mixture of national security and ethnic confrontation to the political centre stage. So Gotabaya’s campaign is likely to be built around the themes of security and political stability, rather than weightier issues like abolition of executive presidency and fundamental rights.

However, there is a seamier side to Gotabaya’s candidature. His reputation as an authoritarian figure with disdain for democratic norms and rule of law dogs him.  Doubts have been raised about his Sri Lankan nationality as he has renounced his US citizenship only recently. There are also reports of immigration irregularity when he served as the defence secretary under President Mahinda Rajapaksa. In utter disregard to humanitarian laws, he is alleged to have ordered the execution of LTTE cadres holding white flag to surrender in the final stages of Eelam War in 2009.   

During his tenure as defence secretary, his name was linked in some of the infamous white van abductions. A CID report presented on at a Mt Lavinia magistrate’s court March 20, 2017 said  Gotabaya led a unit that was accused of assassinating Lasantha Wickrematunge, editor of Sunday Leader newspaper. The report said "Testimony from the former army commander [Sarath Fonseka] shows that there was a special secret unit outside his authority and controlled by Gotabhaya Rajapaksa through the then-chief of national intelligence Kapila Hendawitharana." The report further added “the unit was operated outside the army command structure and was used to target journalists and other dissidents."

Conscious of these allegations, Gotabaya addressing a lawyers convention said he proposed “to lead a future government that will always revere and uphold democracy, and always safeguard the rights of the public” Describing the allegations of human rights violations in the last stage of the war against terrorism as false narrative, he said it “blithely ignores the many delays in the pursuit to victory that arose from our strong commitment to protect and uphold human rights.” He said they chose to use only light arms instead of using heavy artillery, because 300,000 innocent Tamil civilians were entrapped by the LTTE. And this resulted in thousands of war heroes sacrificing their lives. 

Gotabaya’s chances of getting elected as president are high at present. However, his weak spot is lack of support among minority Tamils and Muslims. Already the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has decided not to support him as bitter memories of the forcibly disappeared and war crimes  continue to haunt Tamils. Similarly, Muslims would remember how under President Rajapaksa’s rule Buddhist fringe groups carried out attacks on Muslim homes, madrasas and shops in Aluthgama in June 2014. These memories are likely to enable UNP-led front to garner most of the minority votes in the presidential poll.   

Controversy over army chief’s  appointment

President Sirisena appointed Lieutenant General Shavendra Silva as Commander of the Sri Lanka Army on August 18. As commander of 58 Division during the Eelam war General Silva was credited with capturing LTTE strongholds including Elephant Pass, Kilinochchi, and Puthudkudiiruppu. However, in the final stages of the war in May 2009, he was implicated in an incident when white-flag carrying LTTE cadres who were surrendering were alleged to have been executed after they were assured safety. After the war, he served as Sri Lankan ambassador and the Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN Headquarters.

Not unexpectedly, his appointment as army commander has triggered strong reaction from civil society both at home and abroad The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet in a statement said she was “deeply troubled” by his appointment, “despite the serious allegations of gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian law against him and his troops during the war.”

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights referred to alleged human rights violations linked to 58 Division. She said his appointment as Army Commander severely compromises Sri Lanka’s commitment to promote justice and accountability in the context of the Human Rights Council Resolution of 2015 co-sponsored by Sri Lanka and undermines reconciliation efforts. She said it sets back security sector reforms.

The US embassy in Colombo has also issued a statement expressing its deep concern at his appointment. It said the appointment undermined Sri Lanka’s international reputation and its commitment to promote  justice and accountability “at a time when the need for reconciliation and social unity is paramount.”

President Sirisena’s appointment of General Shavendra Silva as army commander is only reiteration of his known stand against bringing to book army officers considered as heroes of the Eelam for alleged war crimes. With the presidential election to be held in the next quarter, he probably considers it not prudent to even consider it. This is also evident from PM Wickremesinghe’s pregnant silence on the appointment. 

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group and the International Law and Strategic Analysis. Email: haridirect@gmail.com Blog:: https://col.hariharan.info  

Sri Lanka Perspectives - July 2019: Politics of SOFA

 Col R Hariharan| 31-7-2019| Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, Aug 2019 | www.security-risks.com |

Though three months have passed since the Jihadi terrorist attacks on Easter Sunday on April 21, Sri Lanka does not seem to have rectified the aberrations that led to the attacks, despite getting information on the impending attacks 12 days earlier. The Parliamentary select committee inquiry into the attacks has revealed damage done to national security apparatus and governance due to the continuing power struggle between President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. 

The President–PM cold war is likely to continue till November 2019 when the presidential elections in November 2019. Former president Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) has emerged as a challenger in the presidential race, queering the pitch of the main contenders from Sirisena-led Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the Wickremesinghe-led United National Party (UNP).  The ruling UNP has formed the National Democratic Front (NDF) with existing partners, while talks will soon start for the SLPP to join hands with SLPP, which has already formed its own front.

As early as 2007 when the US war on terror was at its peak, it considered “Sri Lanka positioned astride major sea lanes and at the doorstep to India, can play a significant role in military readiness as political and military efforts shift focus on Asia in the new millennium” according to a US diplomatic cable from Colombo. China is now firmly established in Sri Lanka and in South Asia. PLA Navy warships are seen increasing numbers in Indian Ocean. 

This has increased the importance of building close security relations with Sri Lanka for furthering US’ Indo-Pacific strategy. Many consider the US had a hand in the forming of  Sirisena-Wickremesinghe alliance to thwart President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s bid for a third tenure during the 2014 Sri Lanka presidential election. Since then, the US has carefully nurtured its relations with Sri Lanka. The US is probably concerned at the break-up of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe coalition, after President Sirisena’s abortive bid to replace PM Wickremesinghe with Mahinda Rajapaksa in October 2018.   

Notwithstanding this, US- Sri Lanka relations have been growing, thanks to PM Wickremesinghe’s interest to build the country’s relations with the US, perhaps as a counterpoise to China now entrenched firmly in Sri Lanka.  In June 2019, US Coast Guard gifted a decommissioned cutter to Sri Lanka which has been commissioned as SLNS Gajabahu in Sri Lanka Navy. It is interesting to note that in the same month, China handed over P-625, a 2300-tonne frigate built in 1994, to Sri Lanka Navy in Shanghai.

Given this complex security and political environment, PM Wickremesinghe had been facing a lot of flak from opposition over two US-agreements: the proposed Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) and signing of the $ 480-million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) grant from the US.

The SOFA, though not a military agreement, is a security arrangement to protect the rights and privileges of US military personnel stationed in the host country i.e., immunity from prosecution by the host country. The US has signed SOFA with a number of countries where US forces are stationed. So SOFA is seen as preparatory to US building a base in Trincomalee, if we go by media speculations.

The idea of signing SOFA was mooted after Sri Lanka foreign ministry renewed the Acquisition and Cross Service Agreement (ACSA) with the US in August 2017. But it was renewed without consulting the service chiefs who are directly affected by the agreement.  The agreement was originally signed by Sri Lanka in March 20o7, as an operational expediency before major offensive was launched against the LTTE in the North. The US had blocked the supply of vital aircraft spares, without which SLAF’ aircraft of Israeli and of US origin were grounded.

After the signing the ACSA, US supplies were resumed and Sri Lanka was able to pursue its operations successfully. The US also provided real time information on LTTE’s floating armouries which enabled SLN to destroy them. Now ACSA comes in handy for US military logistics in the long haul across the Indo-Pacific; of course,  it facilitates American troops to freely interact with Sri Lanka armed forces and take part in joint training exercises.

However, President Sirisena has openly opposed the signing of SOFA; he has also expressed his reservations about the MCC agreement. According to a report in Sunday Times, Colombo, when the Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana, was in Washington DC for talks on SOFA with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, President Sirisena directed that Sri Lanka should not sign the SOFA.  State Minister for Defence Wijewardene has made clear it that President’s approval was necessary for the agreement and it would be signed by the Defence Secretary.

However, US Ambassador to Colombo Ms Alaina B Teplitz has emphatically said that the US had no intention of building a base in Sri Lanka. Explaining the rationale behind US security efforts in Sri Lanka, she said in her US Independence Day message, “the sea lanes that pass beside Sri Lanka are important for many nations”, which was why the US was helping Sri Lanka’s capacity to protect its coast waters. The ambassador referred to the gifting of the USCG cutter in June and said the US military cooperation was “open and mutually beneficial.” She further added that every joint exercise and training in disaster response was done at the invitation of Sri Lanka.

PM Wickremesinghe had informed the parliament that no new agreement had been signed with the US;, “but we have been discussing a draft [SOFA].” He assured that he would not sign anything to “harm our independence and sovereignty.” The PM also referred to the letters exchanged between President JR Jayawardane and Indian PM Rajiv Gandhi in 1987, in which it was stated “Trincomalee or any other port in Sri Lanka will not be available for military use by any other country.”  

India has maintained a studious silence on the SOFA controversy. It is interesting to note that India has not signed SOFA. However, India-US strategic security relations started going on a high trajectory after India signed the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA with the US during PM Narendra Modi’s first term. It is part of an agenda to address a broad range of defence and security issues including defence technology collaboration, expanding military-to-military exchanges and the designation of India as a Major Defense Partner.

Does Sri Lanka need SOFA?  Sri Lanka’s Chief of Defence Staff Admiral Ravindra Wijegunaratne has put the ACSA and SOFA in the perspective of Sri Lanka’s national interest. Speaking in a TV interview he said both the agreements are controversial. However, Indian Ocean can be easily controlled from Sri Lanka. "It is our responsibility to protect this important location. Therefore, Sri Lanka should not be a playground where international groups engage in their power struggles."  Under such circumstances foreign affairs ministry and politicians have a huge responsibility to sort out this matter. The Admiral stressed “we cannot forget America” as it had helped during the Eelam War. While we need not agree everything we should find a middle ground before signing the agreement and involve security forces in such discussions.

The MCC agreement is less controversial, compared with the SOFA. The MCC was created by the U.S. Congress in January 2004 with strong bipartisan support to deliver smart U.S. foreign assistance. MCC provides time-limited grants promoting economic growth, reducing poverty, and strengthening institutions. These investments not only support stability and prosperity in partner countries but also enhance American interests.  US ambassador Ms Teplitz has clarified that $480-million grant under the agreement will address weaknesses in infrastructure and land administration identified by Sri Lanka as key constraints to the country’s economic growth. She said “Under this agreement, Sri Lanka will retain oversight and control of all aspects of the proposed projects. The US will not own, control or in any way administer any land under this agreement.”

The moot point is will President Sirisena and PM Wickremesinghe set aside their personal polemics and political priorities to address key national security concerns? The success of the SOFA and ACSA would depend upon how best they use it to serve Sri Lanka’s national interest.

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group and the International Law and Strategic Analysis

Sri Lanka Perspectives: June 2019

 Col R Hariharan | 30-6-2019 | Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, May 2019 | www.security-risks.com |

Follow up actions

During the month, Sri Lanka continued to struggle to recover from the after-shock of Easter Sunday suicide attacks by National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) terrorists. It brought the nation’s life line - the tourism industry – to a grinding halt with many countries including India, issuing travel advisories against visiting Sri Lanka; however, these were either withdrawn or toned down in the first two weeks of the month. Despite this tourist arrivals continue to languish.

Under these circumstances, the short visit of PM Narendra Modi at the start of his second tenure to Colombo, the first by a foreign leader after the terror attacks, was welcomed in Sri Lanka. His trip indicated India’s show of solidarity with Sri Lanka in times of distress. During his brief visit, PM Modi held discussions with all the main actors, including the President, the PM and the Leader of Opposition Mahinda Rajapaksa. We can expect the visit to result in greater cooperation and coordination between the intelligence and security agencies in the counter terrorism efforts of both countries.

The political gridlock between President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe continued to dog the performance of the government.  The Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) inquiry has revealed startling details of systemic failure which resulted in preventing the Easter Day attacks, despite prior information. The testimonies of former Defence Secretary Fernando, sacked IG Jayasundara and the former SIS chief Mendis have revealed serious gaps in communication and coordination between the SIS and other security arms of the government, though all of them functioned under the President. Overall, their evidence revealed lack of security consciousness in the functioning of the departments under the President.

The President has claimed the PSC was “a drama scripted at Temple Trees” (PM’s official residence), forbidding officials from responding to the PSC. For political reasons the Joint Opposition, the SLFP and former President Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) have boycotted the PSC. Even PM Wickremesinghe and the UNP members have been indifferent in following the PSC proceedings. All parties seem to be more interested in fielding a no confidence motion against former minister Rishad Bathiudeen, leader of the All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC), which has become a bone of contention between the opposition and the UNP.   

Security agencies in their follow up action have arrested about 2,389 suspects; 186 of them are being detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).  Based on the information given by one of the five suspects arrested in Jeddah and brought back to Sri Lanka, police have recovered over 300 gelignite sticks, 1000 detonators, 485 rounds of T56 ammunition and several other explosive material in Kattankudy. The Ibrahim family, which produced two of the nine terrorists who took part in the Easter Day attacks, is being investigated thoroughly for its sources of finance and political affiliations with Muslim leaders like Bathiudeen. The Indian National Investigation Agency (NIA) acting upon information provided by Sri Lanka arrested IS sympathisers in Coimbatore in Tamil Nadu who had social media links of NTJ chief  Zahran. The NIA arrested Mohammed Azharudeen, said to be the mastermind of the IS Tamil Nadu module on June 12, 2019. 

As a part of tightening its security, Sri Lanka proposes to deport about 8000 foreigners who are overstaying their visas. These include among others, 1680 Indians, 936 Pakistanis and 683 Chinese.  

Anti-Muslim backlash

However, after the outburst of anti-Muslim riots in the northwest, Buddhist nationalist fringe continued to whip up anti-Muslim hate narrative targeting Muslim leaders and Muslim owned business. Many political leaders supported the Buddhist monk and parliamentarian - Athurelive Rathana Thero - when he went on indefinite fast in Kandy demanding the removal of Muslim governors Azath Salley and MLAM Hizbullah and cabinet minister Rishad Bathiudeen for alleged links with Islamic radical organisations. Thousands of people marched in support of the demand, forcing the two Muslim governors and nine Muslim ministers to resign en masse. The episode dramatically showed the effect of growing anti-Muslim narrative in the socio-political discourse.

Leaders of Muslim community leaders have repeatedly been appealing to Muslims to fully cooperate with the government. In spite of this, hasty and overzealous actions by the police has increased the feeling of insecurity among Muslims. Typical was the arrest and detention of  Dr Mohammad Shafi of the Kurunegala Teaching Hospital for over a month under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA),  based on rumours of the doctor carrying out 4000  illegal sterilizations of Sinhalese women. The CID’s 200-page report on the case filed before the Kurunegala magistrate court revealed Kurnegala police officials’ elaborate plot to frame the doctor and use the media to create panic to justify his arrest. Police high command is said to be mulling action against the police officers suspected to be involved in the plot.  

In Puttalam district in the Northwestern province, Wennappuwa local body chairman Susantha Perera, belonging to Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), issued a letter prohibiting Muslim traders from doing business at the Dankotuwa weekly fair, ostensibly because people objected to Muslim traders doing business at the site. However, police stepped in to cancel the move and filed a complaint against the PS chairman for his illegal order.  

Chief Prelate of Asigiri Chapter Warakagoda Sri Gnanarathana, representing one of Sri Lanka’s highest Buddhist authority, presented one of the worst manifestation of Islam-phobia. According to a BBC report, the Prelate addressing a gathering said “I also ask people to avoid those (Muslim) shops. Do not eat or drink from these shops. Because it is a common notion,” he said, adding “It can be clearly seen that they are attempting to destroy our people by giving poison.” In an obvious reference to Dr Shafi’s case, the monk said the doctor who ‘destroyed hundreds and thousands of children’ should be stoned. He said a group of women had said the doctor should be stoned to death. “I don’t say that. But, that is what needs to be done,” he added.

While political leaders including President Sirisena chose to ignore the prelate’s hate speech, Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera in a statement called upon “true Buddhists” to unite against the “talibanisation” of the religion.  Diplomats from the member countries of the Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC) called upon the President and urged him to ensure safety of the Muslim community in the face of hate speeches of some senior politicians and a section of the clergy. President Sirisena while assuring them of the safety of all the citizens, said that current utterances of some interested parties were due to the prevailing political situation in view of the forthcoming election.

Political posturing 

President Sirisena seems to have been overwhelmed by the continuing political impasse. Addressing a meeting of media heads, he insisted that the 19th amendment must be abolished before the next presidential elections as it had become “a curse” to the country. The President said that it had created political instability prevailing in the country. He added "I doubt whether the 19th amendment was drafted by a group of legal experts or a bunch of ignorant people." The President said the amendment had been drafted due to the request of some non-governmental organizations.

The President seems to have forgotten that he had persuaded some sections within the SLFP faction in the government who had reservations about the 19th Amendment, to vote for it in April 2015.  The 19^th Amendment was introduced to reduce the Executive President abusing his power and be more accountable to parliament. Though it is not perfect, its relevance was demonstrated during the October 201 constitutional crisis, when the President tried to remove the PM without a vote of confidence in parliament. His criticism of the 19^th Amendment only reveals his frustration in continuing to work with PM Wickremesinghe.

However, unmindful of these negative developments, forthcoming presidential election seems to be the preoccupation of many political leaders. Former President Rajapaksa seems to be undecided in choosing between Chamal and Gotabaya as the SLPP’s presidential candidate.  The SLPP has scheduled a meeting on August 11 to choose its candidate. President Sirisena’s dilemma in contesting the presidential election seems to be unresolved. The UNP is yet to finalise its candidate from three possible contenders. In the coming months, if the government is not vigilant, chances of political confrontation getting out of hand and turn into ethnic  confrontation are there. 

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group and the International Law and Strategic Analysis