Col R
Hariharan | Sri Lanka Strategic Perspectives, June 2026| | www.security-risk.com
The
month end saw Daily Mirror blaring “More arrests of lawyers, politicians
and senior police officers are likely in the near future” following the arrest
of Nadun Chinthaka Wickramaratne alias Harak Kata and the uncovering of his
criminal network. His deeply entrenched criminal network centred around
notorious drug kingpin highlights a dangerous nexus between transnational
narcotics syndicates and state-level political corruption. Harak Kata is said
to be heading a multi-million-dollar drug trafficking syndicate operating
across Dubai, Malaysia, Singapore, the Maldives, and Madagascar, according to
Ceylon Today.
Harak
Kata’s dubious history defies Bollywood anti-heroes stereotyped in the OTT movies.
He was initially detained at Dubai International Airport in August 2022 for
using a forged passport. However, Dubai authorities released him in October
2022 thanks to systemic delays in processing his deportation paperwork.
However, Madagascar law enforcement is said to have arrested Harak Kata and his
primary bodyguard, Kudu Salindu at an airport in March 2023 after Interpol
issued a Red Corner notice. He was promptly extradited back to Sri Lanka under
the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).
In the
meanwhile, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected and his administration
energized stalled anti-corruption investigations. In late June 2026, the Commission
to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) is said to have exposed
a massive bribery conspiracy aimed at sabotaging Harak Kata's
detention. The CIABOC and the CID are now jointly conducting investigations
into the case. The arrest and remand of three more individuals - Rakitha
Rajapaksa, the son of former Justice Minister
Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, Charith Abeysinghe - a former Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) organizer - and former Director of the Civil Aviation Authority Aruna Sri Chathuranga, connected to the case has sent shock waves across the country.
According
to documents submitted in the Court in March 2023, the three individuals flew to
Dubai to meet Harak Kata’s wife. They are alleged to have demanded a LKR 500
million ($1.5 million) bribe to revoke Harik Kata’s detention order, release
from the Boosa High-Security Prison, and arrange his flight out of the country.
An advance of LKR 120 million was said to have been transacted.
Adding
to the scandal is Harak Kata’s allegation to the Terrorist Investigation
Division (TID) that his detention was a direct retaliation for his refusal to
pay a separate LKR 300 million bribe. The bribe was demanded by former Public
Security Minister Tiran Alles and suspended Inspector General of Police (IGP)
Deshabandu Tennakoon.
More
scams in the offing
Harak
Kata’s is only one of the scams surfacing during the month. CIABOC has arrested
Shyamila Perera for alleged corruption during her tenure as Chairperson of the
National Lotteries Board.
An
officer serving as a senior assistant secretary attached to the Parliamentary
and Cabinet Affairs Division of the Presidential Secretariat has been arrested.
He had previously been working as a deputy controller of the Foreign Missions
Division of the Department of Immigration and Emigration. He had allegedly
helped underworld criminal ‘Karandeniye Raju’, to obtain a passport under a
different name while serving in the Immigration Department in 2023.
Overhauling
the system
President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka has vowed to end corruption. It is not going to be an easy task when political corruption permeates the system. To prevent politicians exploiting systemic weaknesses, requires a comprehensive shift from ad-hoc enforcement to structural institutional immunity. It must systematically block vulnerabilities within the system. There is enough material available with global NGOs and international bodies like Transparency International, IMF and World Bank.
First
and foremost, political influence must be stripped from oversight bodies. This
wouldrequire depoliticising CIABOC from executive or political influence. Temporary secondment of police
personnel to the anti-corruption commission has to be halted. Instead induct
specialised forensic accountants, digital investigators, and tax auditors
permanently.
Empower
the Proceeds of Crime Recovery and Management Authority to independently freeze,
forfeit, and manage stolen public assets without waiting for lengthy political
trials to finish.
Government
procurement and State owned enterprises (SOE) are sources of corruption.
Enact
a public procurement law, particularly in infrastructure and state contracts.
Enforce open bidding of tenders and follow a unified legal framework to ensure
it.
Replace
manual discretion-based permit and licensing systems with automated digitaworkflows.
Already this is in force in CIABOC; it introduced a digital case-file tracking
system to eliminate file tampering and ensure workflow transparency.
Restructure
state enterprises like Ceylon Petroleum Corporation or Sri Lankan Airlines to halt
their usual practice of treating large SOEs as tools of political patronage.
Install independent, performance-tied boards for their healthy performance.
Securing
fiscal and revenue integrity is important for corruption free administration.
This requires stable tax administration; so, the practice of granting ad hoc
exemptions to tax laws to return political favours should be avoided.
The
databases of the Inland Revenue Department, Sri Lanka Customs, and the Department
of Motor Traffic should be interlinked. This would help digital
cross-referencing to prevent politicians and high-net-worth individuals from
masking illegal earnings and tax avoidance.
Political
and Constitutional reforms
Perhaps
the most difficult part of ensuring a corruption-free administration facing President
Dissanayaka will be political and constitutional reforms. The Election
Commission should be empowered to strictly monitor and audit campaign spending.
This will reduce political corruption behind elections. Ensure the asset
verification provisions of the Anti-Corruption Act No 9 (2023).
Tail
piece: Abolish executive presidency
Lastly,
abolish executive overreach by limiting or eliminating the concentrated powers
of the Executive Presidency as promised before the election by President
Dissanayaka. If the President does it, his credibility will get a boost. It
will also pave the way to restore the system of checks and balances between the
parliament, the judiciary and independent commissions. But only AKD has the
answer!
[Col R Hariharan VSM, a
retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of
intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is
associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Website:
https://.col.hariharan@net Email:haridirect@gmail.com,]
