Sri Lanka: Coming to Terms with Corruption

 

Col R Hariharan | Sri Lanka Strategic Perspectives, June 2026| | www.security-risk.com

The month end saw Daily Mirror blaring “More arrests of lawyers, politicians and senior police officers are likely in the near future” following the arrest of Nadun Chinthaka Wickramaratne alias Harak Kata and the uncovering of his criminal network. His deeply entrenched criminal network centred around notorious drug kingpin highlights a dangerous nexus between transnational narcotics syndicates and state-level political corruption. Harak Kata is said to be heading a multi-million-dollar drug trafficking syndicate operating across Dubai, Malaysia, Singapore, the Maldives, and Madagascar, according to Ceylon Today.

Harak Kata’s dubious history defies Bollywood anti-heroes stereotyped in the OTT movies. He was initially detained at Dubai International Airport in August 2022 for using a forged passport. However, Dubai authorities released him in October 2022 thanks to systemic delays in processing his deportation paperwork. However, Madagascar law enforcement is said to have arrested Harak Kata and his primary bodyguard, Kudu Salindu at an airport in March 2023 after Interpol issued a Red Corner notice. He was promptly extradited back to Sri Lanka under the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).

In the meanwhile, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected and his administration energized stalled anti-corruption investigations. In late June 2026, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) is said to have exposed a massive bribery conspiracy aimed at sabotaging Harak Kata's detention. The CIABOC and the CID are now jointly conducting investigations into the case. The arrest and remand of three more individuals - Rakitha Rajapaksa, the son of former Justice Minister

Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, Charith Abeysinghe - a former Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) organizer - and former Director of the Civil Aviation Authority Aruna Sri Chathuranga, connected to the case has sent shock waves across the country.

According to documents submitted in the Court in March 2023, the three individuals flew to Dubai to meet Harak Kata’s wife. They are alleged to have demanded a LKR 500 million ($1.5 million) bribe to revoke Harik Kata’s detention order, release from the Boosa High-Security Prison, and arrange his flight out of the country. An advance of LKR 120 million was said to have been transacted.

Adding to the scandal is Harak Kata’s allegation to the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID) that his detention was a direct retaliation for his refusal to pay a separate LKR 300 million bribe. The bribe was demanded by former Public Security Minister Tiran Alles and suspended Inspector General of Police (IGP) Deshabandu Tennakoon.

More scams in the offing

Harak Kata’s is only one of the scams surfacing during the month. CIABOC has arrested Shyamila Perera for alleged corruption during her tenure as Chairperson of the National Lotteries Board.

An officer serving as a senior assistant secretary attached to the Parliamentary and Cabinet Affairs Division of the Presidential Secretariat has been arrested. He had previously been working as a deputy controller of the Foreign Missions Division of the Department of Immigration and Emigration. He had allegedly helped underworld criminal ‘Karandeniye Raju’, to obtain a passport under a different name while serving in the Immigration Department in 2023.

Overhauling the system

President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka has vowed to end corruption. It is not going to be an easy task when political corruption permeates the system. To prevent politicians exploiting systemic weaknesses, requires a comprehensive shift from ad-hoc enforcement to structural institutional immunity. It must systematically block vulnerabilities within the system. There is enough material available with global NGOs and international bodies like Transparency International, IMF and World Bank.

First and foremost, political influence must be stripped from oversight bodies. This wouldrequire depoliticising CIABOC from executive or  political influence. Temporary secondment of police personnel to the anti-corruption commission has to be halted. Instead induct specialised forensic accountants, digital investigators, and tax auditors permanently.

Empower the Proceeds of Crime Recovery and Management Authority to independently freeze, forfeit, and manage stolen public assets without waiting for lengthy political trials to finish.

Government procurement and State owned enterprises (SOE) are sources of corruption.

Enact a public procurement law, particularly in infrastructure and state contracts. Enforce open bidding of tenders and follow a unified legal framework to ensure it.

Replace manual discretion-based permit and licensing systems with automated digitaworkflows. Already this is in force in CIABOC; it introduced a digital case-file tracking system to eliminate file tampering and ensure workflow transparency.

Restructure state enterprises like Ceylon Petroleum Corporation or Sri Lankan Airlines to halt their usual practice of treating large SOEs as tools of political patronage. Install independent, performance-tied boards for their healthy performance.

Securing fiscal and revenue integrity is important for corruption free administration. This requires stable tax administration; so, the practice of granting ad hoc exemptions to tax laws to return political favours should be avoided.

The databases of the Inland Revenue Department, Sri Lanka Customs, and the Department of Motor Traffic should be interlinked. This would help digital cross-referencing to prevent politicians and high-net-worth individuals from masking illegal earnings and tax avoidance.

Political and Constitutional reforms

Perhaps the most difficult part of ensuring a corruption-free administration facing President Dissanayaka will be political and constitutional reforms. The Election Commission should be empowered to strictly monitor and audit campaign spending. This will reduce political corruption behind elections. Ensure the asset verification provisions of the Anti-Corruption Act No 9 (2023).

Tail piece: Abolish executive presidency

Lastly, abolish executive overreach by limiting or eliminating the concentrated powers of the Executive Presidency as promised before the election by President Dissanayaka. If the President does it, his credibility will get a boost. It will also pave the way to restore the system of checks and balances between the parliament, the judiciary and independent commissions. But only AKD has the answer!

[Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Website: https://.col.hariharan@net Email:haridirect@gmail.com,]