Monday, 11 November 2013

Perspectives on NSA’s global snooping



Col R Hariharan

[This is article contains points made by the author in two TV interviews on November 5, 2013  about  Edward Snowden’s disclosures on the NSA's worldwide clandestine surveillance of millions of telephone conversations.]

The astounding disclosures of whistleblower Edward Snowden about the U.S. National Security Agency (NSA)’s massive data mining effort to access millions of communications of even friendly nations have sent shock waves across the world. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of increasingly net-worked electronic communication despite great progress in securing them against snooping.

Surveillance of electronic communication and wire tapping have a long and controversial history in the U.S.. After the 9/11 Al Qaeda attacks exposed serious gaps in the U.S. intelligence gathering efforts, the NSA launched PRISM - a massive electronic surveillance data mining programme in 2007. Its ostensible purpose was to trawl terror networks across the globe for information. However, the programme seems to have widened its scope well beyond its original purpose to eavesdrop on millions of communications of all kind everywhere, probably with official sanction.

At the start, the PRISM programme was being conducted within the ambit of the Protect America Act of 2007 (PAA). The PAA removed the requirement of a warrant to conduct government surveillance of foreign intelligence targets outside the United States mandated by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). Its authorisation of massive information gathering of public and private networks with an internal oversight procedure became controversial.
Though subsequently the FISA Amendments Act of 2008 (FISAAA) replaced PAA, the new act incorporated many provisions of PAA. After a lot of criticism, the U.S. Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court of Review now provides the NSA a thin veneer of legality to conduct PRISM’s dubious snooping operations including wire tapping.

Strong anti-U.S. sentiments were triggered when The Guardian newspaper published the Snowden disclosures about the NSA's clandestine tapping of telephone conversations of leaders and heads of states of friendly powers like Brazil, France, Germany and India.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Brazil’s President Dilma Roussef took strong exception to the NSA’s perfidious conduct compromising the secrecy and security of their official and personal communications. The U.S. government's official sanction accorded to the programme terribly annoyed them. While the German Chancellor took it up directly with President Obama, the Brazilian President cancelled a much awaited official visit to the U.S.

The U.S. President, while visiting Germany on June 19, 2013 defended the PRISM programme describing it as “a circumscribed, narrow system directed at us being able to protect our people. His claim that "as a consequence [of the programme], we’ve saved lives” failed to impress the affected nations.  While Germany has taken it up at official level with the U.S., Brazil has called for an international conference in 2014 to discuss the issue.  How India will respond to Brazil’s initiative remains to be seen.

This is neither the first time the U.S. has spied upon friendly powers nor PRISM the only such operation.  According to Vikram Sood, former head of RAW, the U.S., UK, Australia, New Zealand and Canada took part in project ECHELON to conduct electronic surveillance on its European allies among others. Then why PRISM has created such furore? Were Germany and Brazil overreacting? There are probably two reasons for it.

Snowden had disclosed that the NSA was also engaged in hacking civilian infrastructure networks including universities, hospitals and private businesses in other countries Documents leaked in the media showed that many technology companies like Microsoft, Yahoo, Facebook, Google, YouTube, Skype and Apple were roped in to participate in PRISM programme. According to media assessment 98 percent of PRISM data was based on Microsoft, Yahoo and Google. As most of the global internet communication passes through these U.S. based systems, probably the PRISM has evoked greater international concern.

A second aspect is intelligence programmes like PRISM should not be considered as mere intelligence gathering tools. They are part of nation’s overall cyber warfare capability. They would play a vital role in snooping, hacking, and compromising of communication networks of military and vital national infrastructure.

India’s reactions to PRISM have been curious and ambivalent. Initially the external affairs ministerial spokesman said any privacy violation of PRISM would be "unacceptable.” However, the Minister of External Affairs Salman Khurshid on the sidelines of the ASEAN regional forum meet on July 2, 2013 defended the programme. He said it was “not scrutiny and access to actual messages. It is only computer analysis of pattern of calls and emails that are being sent. Some of the information they got out of their scrutiny, they were able to use it to prevent serious terrorist attacks in several countries.” Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’s subdued response to the issue during his meeting with the U.S President when he visited Washington after the Snowden disclosures drew a lot of criticism in India.  

The colossal data mining capability demonstrated by the NSA will have far reaching impact upon intelligence gathering worldwide. An important step towards denial of electronic snooping would be to reduce to the dependence upon the U.S. Global Positioning System (GPS) by developing indigenous regional navigation satellite system. So far only the U.S., Russia, and China have their own domestic satellite navigation system. It is heartening to note that India has taken the first step to overcome this weakness by launching the first of a cluster of seven IRNSS satellites in July 2013. This navigation system costing Rs 1600 crores will be made up of seven satellites named IRNSS-1A to IRNSS-1G. It will provide India's own domestic navigation system when completed by 2015-16.  

India had been using electronic surveillance as an effective tool of its national security effort for quite some time. It was electronic surveillance that successfully eavesdropped on General Pervez Musharraf’s conversation with Lt General Mohammed Aziz Khan during the Kargil War to confirm Pakistan army’s involvement in the conflict.  Pakistani terror groups like Lashkar-e-Tayabba (LeT) has been using social networks like FaceBook, Twitter, YouTube etc. for quite some time. And India is LeT’s main target. So, electronic surveillance will continue to be an essential arm in India’s battle against terrorism.  

The PRISM experience has shown extensive misuse of its capability in spite of oversight procedures in place. It also shows how the government can distort such operations to suit their political purpose. There are also moral, ethical and legal grounds on which clandestine wire tapping and related electronic data mining have been criticized. The whole PRISM episode has demonstrated the need for greater accountability, independent auditing and legislative monitoring of the entire chain of actions in surveillance programmes.

There is no doubt that electronic surveillance systems intrude upon individual’s right to privacy and curb his freedom of communication. While no democratic government can ignore such concerns, these have to be balanced against threats to national security from terrorism and globalised trafficking in arms, drugs and people. So India has no other option but to strengthen its electronic surveillance capability. At the same time, we need to tighten the accountability of intelligence agencies through independent auditing of their surveillance activities and effective oversight procedures.

Courtesy: South Asia Analysis Group Paper No. 5598   dated 11 November 2013 http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/node/1399

Thursday, 7 November 2013

China cashing on India’s Sri Lanka woes



Col R Hariharan (retd.)

Even as the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh was finding it hard to make up his mind over attending the CHOGM (Commonwealth Heads of Governments Meeting) to be held in Colombo in two weeks from now, China is making the best use of the situation to strengthen its presence in Sri Lanka. China’s intention is obvious: profit from India’s discomfiture in Sri Lanka to occupy India’s strategic space in the island nation. 

On October 24 when the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Ms Jayalalithaa was moving a resolution asking the Centre to ‘totally boycott’ the CHOGM “in deference to the overwhelming feeling and sentiments of Tamils,” Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa was praising China's generosity, while opening of the renovated venue for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Convention Hall (BMICH). When President Rajapaksa wanted to renovate the BMICH, China chipped in to meet the cost of about $15.3 million (Sri Lankan Rs 2 billion). In fact China had donated the BMICH, Colombo’s prestigious conference centre nearly a decade ago. It now stands as a visible reminder of China’s “enduring generosity” to Sri Lanka.

Even as Ms Jayalalithaa castigated the Centre for failing to act upon another “historic resolution” passed by the Tamil Nadu Assembly on July 8, 2011 which sought an economic embargo on Sri Lanka until Tamils were fully resettled and rehabilitated, Sri Lanka was negotiating with China to finalise a Free Trade Agreement (FTA). The government-owned Sunday Observer described the China-Sri Lanka FTA as the biggest development in Sino-Lanka cooperation since the 1952 Rubber-Rice Pact.

Two months ago, Sri Lanka’s minister for industry and commerce Rishad Bathiudeen was hopeful of finalising the FTA before the CHOGM in November 2013. However, the Deputy International Trade Representative of the Commerce Ministry of China, Yu Jianhua who visited Sri Lanka last month was more realistic. He expected “the preparatory process of the FTA to be completed by December this year.” He was keen to see the groundwork on this FTA completed by December this year.

The Chinese representative added “Sri Lanka is a priority country for the Ministry of Commerce, China (MOFCOM). The FTA will not only upgrade trade levels between Sri Lanka and China but will also enhance trade skills of both countries as well. We will work diligently in our joint efforts.” Yu said before visiting Colombo, he had looked carefully at China’s trade links with Sri Lanka on issues like tariffs, market access in China, diversifying Sri Lanka’s exports, and overall enhancement of Sri Lanka’s export potential to China.”  

In his view, the FTA was not only for trade “but something beyond, to institutionalise our strategic cooperation partnership as mandated by the leaders of both countries. We encourage Chinese firms to become involved in Sri Lanka’s economic development.”

The Chinese efforts to enhance its trading opportunities on the sidelines of CHOGM are interesting. According to Xinhua, 42 Chinese companies were among the 83 foreign companies participating in the trade exhibition “Reflections of Sri Lanka” being held on the sidelines of the CHOGM. In contrast, despite being Sri Lanka’s largest trading partner, India will be represented by only 21 companies at the exhibition.  

Sri Lanka has been wooing Chinese business to invest in Sri Lanka saying it could reap the benefits of the island nation’s FTA with India and Pakistan (and the proposed SAFA –South Asian Free Trade Agreement when it becomes a reality). India has a flourishing FTA with Sri Lanka since 1996. It has helped India-Sri Lanka trade to grow from $600 million in 2000 to $5 billion in 2012. As against this, China-Sri Lanka trade even without an FTA has grown from $658.4 million in 2005 to $2676.13 million by 2012. Obviously, China-Sri Lanka trade aided by an FTA would retard the growth of India’s trade with Sri Lanka.

Ever since the Eelam War excesses started to haunt Sri Lanka, Tamil Nadu has become the focal point of hate campaign against Sri Lanka in India affecting the excellent relations between the two countries. Of late, a beleaguered Sri Lanka has started using trade as a pressure point to express its concern over India’s “Sri Lanka politics.” The CHOGM which should have been an inconsequential international event turning into a political contest in India is a case in point.  

So how should India respond to Sri Lanka-China FTA? In fact, Tamil Nadu should be debating this issue because the state had benefitted most from the FTA with Sri Lanka. But in the polemics of partisan politics, the issue seems to have been wished away. The anachronism is even the few Sri Lankan business and cultural establishments in Chennai are under police protection lest pro-Eelam fringe elements attack them just as they carried out petrol bombs attacks on two post offices in Chennai, in protest against India’s participation in the CHOGM. The pity is it is happening as indecisive national leadership looks on helplessly. At least it seems so.

The author, a retired MI officer, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He can be contacted at colhari@yahoo.com

Courtesy: South Asia Analysis Group Paper No. 5595 dated 7 Nov 2013                         URL: http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/node/1396

Sunday, 3 November 2013

Sri Lanka Perspectives - October 2013



 Col R Hariharan

Highlights
  • The swearing in of CV Wigneswaran as the Northern Provincial Council (NPC) chief minister in the presence of President Rajapaksa and his selection of ministers against objections from a section of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) leaders heralds troubled times for the TNA government.
  • The passing of a resolution by the TNA-run Chavakachcheri Pradeshiya Sabha requesting the newly elected NPC to rebuild LTTE cemeteries in the Northern Province sparks off a controversy.
  • Indian minister for external affairs visits Sri Lanka and reiterates India’s expectation from the Sri Lanka President to fulfil his promises on devolution without much success. Apparently he expects the newly elected NPC government to politically take up these issues forward. He   has confirmed India’s participation to attend the CHOGM summit in Colombo despite the Tamil Nadu assembly’s resolution asking the Centre to boycott it. However, the Prime Minister seems to be undecided about his attendance though a media story on Oct 31 said the Congress core group has decided the PM should attend.
TNA’s troubled start at NPC

CV Wigneswaran who was sworn in as the Northern Provincial Council (NPC) chief minister in the presence of President Rajapaksa appears to be facing a tough time from within the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). It started with some of the TNA leaders objecting his choice as the chief ministerial candidate. One of the reasons is that he was an “outsider” as he lived in Colombo. The other unstated reason could be his son is married to the daughter of Sri Lanka minister Vasudeva Nanayakkara, a Sinhalese.

President Rajapaksa is reported to have assured “fullest support” to Wigneswaran at the swearing in ceremony. He is said to have added, “I expect you to reciprocate…I am not the President of one community. I am President for all communities.” The new Chief Minister assured him the NPC would work with the government. This bonhomie probably irked those who did not like the swearing in ceremony to be held in the presence of the President. Issues came to a head when Wigneswaran insisted on selecting his team of ministers rather than accepting those suggested by Alliance’s constituent parties.

Nine newly elected NPC members belonging to the Eelam Peoples’ Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), Peoples Liberation Organisation for Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) and Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) in a show of defiance decided to be sworn in as members at Mullivaikkal (where Prabhakaran died) rather than at Jaffna. However, good sense seems to have prevailed when they gave up the idea thanks to the mediation of Mannar Bishop Rayappu Joseph.

On the other hand, the NPC chief minister speaking at the NPC’s inaugural session in Jaffna, said that the army must be confined to barracks. He said the mandate the Tamils gave his party included working towards withdrawing the army from the area."Our people will not work in a way which makes it necessary for the army to remain in full strength in the North," he said. Earlier he has reminded that his government would pursue the TNA demand for the creation of a unified North-eastern province as well as securing police and land powers for the NPC. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary and brother of President Rajapaksa, was quick to condemn all the three demands of the chief minister. He said for reasons of strategic security 15,000 troops would be permanently stationed in Jaffna and police powers would never be given to provincial councils.

The NPC chief minister and the TNA leaders appear to have different views on Sri Lanka’s hosting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) as well as the question of India’s participation in it. Initially Wigneswaran said it would better for India to attend the CHOGM. On the other hand, even moderate TNA leaders like national list parliamentarian MA Sumanthiran said that the coalition was against the CHOGM in Sri Lanka. They wanted India to boycott the CHOGM. In view of this, Wigneswaran has agreed to go by the Alliance consensus on this subject and stay away from CHOGM. However, he has invited Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to visit Jaffna. 

Controversy over restoring LTTE cemeteries

Apart from controversial issues like the implementation of the 13th amendment, police and land powers for provincial councils and the unification of Northern and Eastern provinces, issues from the LTTE past have started appearing in the horizon. The TNA-run Chavakachcheri Pradeshiya Sabha in a resolution has requested the NPC to rebuild LTTE cemeteries that were destroyed by the Sri Lankan army after the rout of the Tamil insurgent group in the Eelam War.

Suresh Premachandran, leader of the EPRLF, commenting on the demand has said that though the desire to remember those who died for the Tamil cause was genuine, this was not an appropriate time to take up this initiative as it would be considered a provocation by the army.

As expected the demand has raised the hackles of Sinhala right wing elements as well as the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa has threatened to arrest any former LTTE cadres who raise the issue. Former LTTE leader and former arms procurer Kumaran Pathmanathan (KP) said the move was an obvious attempt by hardliners to provoke the government and trigger angry reaction from the military. He urged the government to be extremely cautious in handling the issue as it could be a rallying point for both northerners and easterners.  

CHOGM Controversy

The Indian Minister for External Affairs Salman Khurshid returned from his maiden visit to Colombo after vainly trying to persuade the Sri Lanka government to implement its promise on 13A in the first week of October 2013.

Even his plea to treat Indian fishermen humanely appears to have had little effect Sri Lanka called India’s High Commissioner to protest against continued large scale fishing by poachers from Tamil Nadu which was depriving the livelihood of Sri Lankans. Sri Lanka had been rounding up and prosecuting large number of fishermen from Tamil Nadu found poaching in Sri Lankan waters. This has caused a lot of unrest among the people in Tamil Nadu. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Ms Jayalalithaa has been writing letters to PM seeking severe action against Sri Lanka without taking any worthwhile measures on her part to resolve the issue.

This climate of confrontation resulted in the Tamil Nadu legislative assembly’s unanimous resolution on October 24 asking India to boycott the CHOGM. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Ms Jayalalithaa who moved the resolution wanted India to take steps “to suspend Sri Lanka from the Commonwealth until Tamils are given rights on par with the Sinhalese and live freely.” She drew attention to the failure of the Centre to respond to Assembly’s 2011 resolution asking the Centre to prevail upon the UN to take action against war criminals responsible for attacks on Tamils and to impose an economic embargo on Sri Lanka until Tamils were fully resettled and rehabilitated.

However, the MEA has confirmed that India would participate in the CHOGM in the larger interest of India-Sri Lanka relations and in order to continue to engage with Sri Lanka. Though a media report has said the Congress core committee has decided that the PM should attend the CHOGM, as of now no firm decision appears to have been taken on the issue. Petrol bomb attacks on two post offices in Chennai by pro-Tamil Eelam fringe elements in protest against Indian participation in the CHOGM highlights the danger of politicians turning this issue into an emotional rather than adopting a pragmatic approach in the larger interest of Tamils and India. 

Written on October 31, 2013 
Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, October 2013, Vol 7 No.9
URL: www.security-risks.com