Onward, women soldiers!

[Recently Army Chief General Bipin Rawat has made a statement that women would be recruited as soldiers and allowed to serve in front line arms like infantry. Women are playing a bigger role in armed forces now than before. However, I am reproducing here an article on the subject I wrote in December 2009 for its topical interest.]

The armed forces have a golden opportunity to set an example for the rest of the nation in having empowered women join them to serve the country

BY COL R HARIHARAN

Courtesy: GFiles December 2009

http://gfilesindia.com/title.aspx?title_id=52

DURING the past three decades, the traditional male orientation of the armed forces all over the world is undergoing a sex change. As more and more women don the uniform, there are visible cracks in the macho citadels of armed forces. Now they are trying to come to grips with the issue arising from this.

Historically, women have proved they are as good as men in combat. During World War II, 800,000 women served in the Soviet armed forces; nearly 70 per cent of them fought in the frontlines. But armed forces are a little reluctant to recognize this. They have been propagating “masculine values” for centuries, cultivating aggressive male persona as the essence of soldiering. So MCP attitudes are ingrained in many of their traditions. The semantic signature of the male superior attitude is visible in common military parlance. Epithets like “walking like pregnant ducks” and “bunch of school girls” continue to echo in the corridors of their hallowed chambers.

The Indian armed forces are also in the throes of this phenomenon. Recently, the Vice-Chief of the Indian Air Force, Air Marshal PK Barbora, touched off a minor controversy when he said there were financial, operational and cultural constraints in having women fighter pilots. On the other hand, for the first time in India’s naval history, two women officers are being inducted in combatant jobs in the Naval Maritime Squadron. They will be working as observers (air borne tacticians) to manage weapons, sensors, radars and navigation on board maritime patrol aircraft.

Air Marshal Barbora was only restating the armed forces’ reservations on employing women in frontline combat roles. However, the way he put it was provocative: “if a woman gets pregnant, it will not be fruitful for either the force or her…” as training a fighter pilot costs the government Rs 11.66 crore. After spending so much, “not being able to utilize women operationally would not be a prudent thing,” he added.

Women have been serving in the Indian armed forces since World War II. But their intake as officers was only in medical, dental and nursing corps. It was in 1992 that the Indian Army opened the doors of other services for women officers and the Navy and Air Force followed suit. Since then, hairline cracks in the male bastion have widened as more and more women join the forces.

Starting with an initial intake of 50 women officers in 1992, the Army now has 1100 (3.1 per cent) of them in a total strength of 35,377 officers. This is the least among all the three services because the officer-soldier ratio in the Army is less than in the naval and air forces. The Navy has the largest presence with 750 (nearly 7 per cent) women out of a total of 10,760 officers. In the Air Force, out of a total of 7,394 officers, 300 (4.1 per cent) are women. 

At present, the Army has the capacity to train 350 women cadets annually in the non-technical stream. Of course their intake in the technical stream is based upon the requirements. Women cadets undergo the same 49 weeks of training as men. 

However, gender parity is a little slow in coming. Women are still not treated as equals in terms of engagement, service, and employment. Unlike men, only unmarried women can apply for commission in the Army. Women are eligible for the Short Service Commission (SSC) while their male counterparts can apply for permanent commission after five years of service. This limits the women officers’ career to 14 years of service. They have to retire at the peak of their competency, after serving as Lt Col for just one year. 

Similarly, while all arms and services are open to men, at present women are commissioned only in services and in selected arms like air defence, signals, engineering and intelligence. Even then they are not allowed in close combat duties. But this has more to do with the nation’s cultural conditioning and harsh operational conditions in which the Army operates.

The problems regarding employment of women in the armed forces go well beyond the “military mindset”. They have their roots in the social and cultural environment of the country and systemic constraints of operations designed for male combatants. Assertion of gender parity is the order of the day the world over. The pill has made pregnancy optional for women. Growing consumerism is expanding the traditional role of women in the family and more women are compelled to work alongside men. The institution of marriage is no more the end-all for women and single mothers are more readily accepted in society than ever before. 

The Western world has come to terms with these changes more and women’s empowerment is accepted in society. And the increased presence of women in the armed forces is only a part of it. But the process is neither smooth nor complete as women are facing major problems in integrating themselves in the armed forces.

However, these changes are yet to take place fully in our country. Despite cosmetic changes in urban India, the social and cultural environment is still loaded against women. The Indian soldier comes from rural and semi-urban areas where women are treated as second-class citizens. In many parts of the country, female foeticide and bride-burning are endemic even among educated sections of society. In this environment, male chauvinism continues to retard any process which tries to bring about gender equity.

Political parties are still shy of taking up women’s issues as the centerpiece of their election campaigns. Without strong political support, women are yet to assert their rights vigorously due to lack of awareness, and caste and religious restrictions in the name of tradition. Women coming from the same social milieu opting for military service represent the small number of pioneers trying to break these barriers. So it is not surprising the armed forces are extremely cautious in handling this politically sensitive issue.

On a recent TV talk show, spirited young women, middle-aged socialites and a few men put up a strong case for allowing women soldiers to fight shoulder to shoulder with men in mixed combat units. I doubt very much whether they understood what they were saying. I am sure they would not like their daughters to be cooped up in underground shelters with a dozen or so combat soldiers at altitudes of over 14,000 ft along the borders for months at a time. There is a total lack of privacy for anyone, let alone women.

Very few countries employ a fully integrated military. Even in the US and Israel, where such integration has taken place, rape is a major menace dogging women soldiers. And it is at the hands of their male colleagues. According to Professor Helen Benedict, who has researched the subject, a survey of female veterans of the US from the Vietnam War to the first Gulf War revealed that 30 per cent were raped in the military. Another study of veterans in 2004 from Vietnam to all the subsequent wars found that 71 per cent of the women said they were sexually assaulted or raped while in the military. The results of a 1992-93 study of female veterans of the Gulf War and earlier wars were even more appalling – 90 per cent said they were sexually harassed in the military.

Can our society cope with such issues when they come up in the armed forces as more women enter their portals, when even in the national capital women are not safe from sexual harassment and rape? Society’s problems are reflected in the armed forces, although military training instils discipline. So integration of women in the armed forces is going to be a long process. Society has to be more enlightened in the way it treats women if it wants the armed forces to increase the role of women on equal terms with men. And that will not happen merely by sloganeering; it has to become the political agenda of the nation.

That does not mean the armed forces should defer introduction of structural mechanisms to employ women gainfully in a safe environment both during war and peace. The armed forces, renowned for their operational management skills, have a golden opportunity to set an example for the rest of the nation in having empowered women join them to serve the country.

Sri Lanka Perspectives -May 2017

Colonel R Hariharan   | 31-05-2017 |  

Sri Lanka floods and mudslides

Sri Lanka suffered the worst floods in nearly two decades during the last week of the month, killing at least 196 people, who were buried in mudslides. Another 93 people were still unaccounted for. Torrential rains which triggered the floods, affected over half a million people living in 15 districts, particularly in coastal areas of Colombo, Galle, Hambantota, Mullaitivu and Trincomalee, among others. Sri Lanka has appealed for international help in providing assistance to the affected people.

 India was the first nation to rush disaster relief assistance through three naval ships, the first of which reached within hours of the disaster. Reief  from China and Pakistan came a little later. After tsunami struck Sri Lanka in 2004, India had demonstrated for the first time, its real time capability to rush to the assistance of its close neighbour, while the US took three days. India's response to the calamity is also a subtle reminder of the indivisibility of the common security interests of the two countries tied by geographic contiguity.

Indian PM’s Vesak Day visit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Sri Lanka to participate in the 14^th International Vesak Day celebrations on May 12, 2017 at Colombo and Kandy. The choice of the Vesak day for the Indian prime minister’s visit to Sri Lanka was a politically smart move by both sides, as it reinforced the cultural and religious ties that bind the two countries. For PM Modi, it was an opportunity to show solidarity with Sri Lanka’s national unity government.  Both India and Sri Lanka had announced in advance that the Indian PM’s visit was only to take part in the religious event and not hold talks or sign agreements. This probably defused the opposition efforts to hold black flag demonstrations against India’s involvement in the development of Trincomalee port complex, as well as the leasing of tank farms there.

However, the opposition protest ended in a whimper when former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who had been spearheading the opposition protest against the ruling coalition, at his own request met PM Modi. He was accompanied by former defence secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and former foreign minister Prof GL Peiris. Though the meeting was claimed to be a friendly one without a political agenda, the presence of foreign policy and defence advisers would indicate otherwise. In fact, Rajapaksa’s response to PM Modi's visit typifies the dilemma of Sri Lanka politicians in handling India’s overwhelming shadow, clouding the country's political discourse.

PM Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka, the second in three years sets a record for Indian PM's visit to its southern neighbour. Similarly, he has become the first Indian PM ever to visit the war-ravaged Northern Province in 2015 as well as the Upcountry Tamils, descendants of indentured Indian labour working in tea plantations when he addressed them in Dickoya during the visit.

  

It was in keeping with his style of touching base with  Indian disaspora everywhere. It also showed his abiding interest in further reinforcing the close relations that exist between the two countries in keeping with his foreign policy priority to strengthen relations with India’s neighhours.  This is the reason, India is showing no hurry in pushing through the Economic and Technical Cooperation Agreement (ETCA), which was initiated at Sri Lanka’s initiative and generated a lot of controversy among Indophobic segments in Sri Lanka.

PM Modi was at his oratorical best in his speeches at the inauguration of the Vesak Day celebration as also at Dikoya, where he addressed Upcountry Tamils. His Vesak inauguration speech largely focused on Buddha’s teachings and the common values that they had enjoined on both India and Sri Lanka. His stress that conflict between the nation states were from “mindsets, thought streams, entities and instruments rooted in the idea of hate and violence” and its “proponents of ideologies of  hate, in our region” were not open to dialogue was a subtle reminder to Sri Lanka of the dangers in building close relations with Pakistan.

The reality of PM Modi’s statement “whether it is on land or in the waters of the Indian Ocean the security of our societies is indivisible” was borne out when China sought permission to berth a submarine in Colombo even before PM Modi completed his visit. Of course, Colombo promptly refused permission. This was perhaps China’s way of muscle flexing to remind Sri Lanka of its determination to protect its interests in Indian Ocean Region, whether India or Sri Lanka liked it or not.  

Perhaps, this was one reason why PM Wickremesinghe, addressing the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) summit in Beijing, said that the success of the BRF and Sri Lankan plans would depend upon the maintenance of long term stability of the Indian Ocean, by promoting peaceful and non-military cooperation, to ensure unimpeded commerce based on the multi-lateral trading system.

PM Modi’s reference on the “indivisible security of our societies” in his speech was perhaps an uncomfortable reminder to many Sri Lankans, who are wary of the Indian ‘big brother’ meddling in local politics to their detriment. Despite all the goodwill for India that exists in Sri Lanka, Indian leadership actions relating to Sri Lanka have the potential to hurt Sri Lankan pride, after India’s heavy-handed intervention during Ms Indira Gandhi’s rule, which had disastrous consequences.  Indian policy makers will have to bear this in mind.

During the month, small pro-LTTE fringe groups in Tamil Nadu tried to organize meetings to commemorate the memory of LTTE cadres and people, who lost their lives during the Eelam War that ended in May 2009.  Such activities are a reminder to both India and Sri Lanka of the need to be wary of divisive elements, pandering to mutual suspicions that exist among sections of the people on both sides of the Palk Strait.

EU restores GSP+ concessions

The European Union (EU) has announced that Sri Lanka will receive Generalised Scheme Preference Plus (GSP+) tariff concessions for exports to EU countries from May 19, 2017.  According the EU sources, this would mean 66 percent of tariff lines would enjoy duty free export to EU member countries. This will be a shot in the arm for ready made garment industry and fisheries in particular, which were languishing after the EU withdrew the GSP+ duty free tariff concessions in 2010.

This had affected Sri Lanka’s $1.56 billion worth annual exports to the EU. The EU action was in response to the failure of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government, then in power, to satisfactorily respond to EU’s concerns over gross human rights aberrations in the country.

The EU has restored the GSP+ concessions, although two conditions it had laid down for it have not been met by Sri Lanka. These relate to drafting an internationally acceptable counter terrorism act (CTA) and an amendment to the code of criminal procedure act (CCPA). The drafts prepared so far have attracted widespread criticism.  However, despite this, the EU’s positive response is an indication of its confidence in the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government fulfilling all its commitments to the international community. Politically, the EU’s action comes at a time when the coalition is facing internal stress as opposition is marshalling its resources to bring down the coalition

However, as the European Commissioner for Trade Ms Cecilia Malmström had pointed out, granting access to the GSP+ scheme does not mean that the situation in Sri Lanka with respect to the 27 international conventions was fully satisfactory. She added: “….the removal of customs duties for Sri Lanka would be accompanied with rigorous monitoring of the country's progress in the area of sustainable development, human rights and good governance."

This statement really sums up the situation; though the EU had granted GSP+ status to Sri Lanka, its efforts restoring human rights and good governance are still work in progress.

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com  Blog: http://col.hariharan.info

Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, June 2017 Issue. www.security-risks.com

List of Modi's strengths and weaknesses

Gone are the somnolent days of Dr Manmohan Singh

POLITICS | 7-minute read | 03-06-2017

COLONEL R HARIHARAN @colhari2

Despite all the 'for and against' rhetoric that clouds any assessment of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's performance during the last three years, none can deny his singular achievement is in making all of us relook at the way we run the country. 

Gone are the somnolent days of Dr Manmohan Singh, when everyday had a predictable monotony of the days gone by. 

Not with Modi. He makes news, when he does, or does not do or say anything or nothing. 

After Mrs Indira Gandhi, perhaps only Modi can lay claim as a leader with nationwide appeal. 

The charismatic leader is trying to rework the "accepted way of doing things" in government, in the nation that had accepted corruption, family rule and cronyism as necessary evils.

The crests and troughs of his leadership personality seen during the last three years of Modi’s rule, provide some insights into the strengths and weaknesses of his leadership style. 

Communication skill 

Strength: Even Rahul Gandhi, not known for his perceptive comments, could spot Modi's communication skill as his biggest asset. Modi is simple, clear, direct and structured; probably, his talks are also well rehearsed, if the occasion demands it. 

The acronyms and catchy slogans he uses are a copy writers’ delight. They make his messages easy to remember, suited for social media format. No wonder, he clocks over 3 million followers on Twitter. The unique feature of Modi’s communication is his ability to convey complex issues in simple terms. 

Weakness: The media is yet to forgive Modi for bypassing them and directly communicating with their audience. Probably this is Modi’s way to express his disgust with the media that had been hounding him for years. 

Media focus on Modi is more on the negatives than positives, though there is some grudging acceptance of Modi, thanks to TRP rating and ABC data compulsions  

The media, which stoically accepted Manmohan Singh’s “loud” silence even on shocking corruption issues of his cabinet members, expects Modi to comment on every news headline. And Modi refuses to oblige. 

Media analysts, particularly from the Lutyens English media, traditionally cultivated and pampered by New Delhi, are invariably slanted against Modi, because he does not think like them. 

Though the impact of English media might be overrated within India, it provides real time feed for international media.  As a result, Modi’s image makers continue to contend with negative reporting in international media. 

Vision building

Strength: Modi has shown a remarkable ability to articulate a national vision. It is in sharp contrast to the clutch of cliches that were used as guiding light by earlier rulers. 

The Modi slogan “sab ka saath, sab ka vikas” focuses on the common man's belief “Sarva dharma sama bhav” to articulate the national vision.

This makes it easy for most people to identify themselves with the vision, than a vague concept like secularism. 

The vision leverages harnessing youth power and India's strength in information technology to improve quality of life. Its focus on issues affecting day to day life, which are easily understood by the common man.

Weakness: Realising his lofty vision 'Sab ka Saath, Sab ka Vikas' is handicapped at delivery end. Fat cats that thrived on corrupt bureaucrat-businessmen-politician nexus continue to thrive affecting the overall efficiency. 

As the process of weeding out bad eggs is a time consuming process, Modi has become over dependent upon a few efficient ministers and bureaucrats, who are overloaded with work. 

Extraordinary energy 

Strength: Modi's greatest asset is perhaps is his extraordinary stamina to put in long hours of work. This enables him to think and act ahead of his detractors. This has inspired many others working with him to emulate him and strive to deliver timely results.

Weakness: As the PM's support staff are also putting in long hours work, the chances of systemic breakdown is high due to increased stress. It also increases the chances of hasty decision making with adverse after effects.  It has also heightened public expectations about the PM's ability to resolve all issues here and now, which increases his workload.

Leadership skills 

Strengths: The three skills listed above make Modi a naturally assertive leader, clear about what he wants to achieve. 

He has an eye for picking his team with people who can be trusted to turn his ideas into action. This has enabled him to turn the BJP from being a copycat of the Congress party, into a dynamic engine of change of his own design.

Weakness: Modi's confidence in his own skills as a leader and troubleshooter has probably prevented him from taking small but timely taking actions to assuage discontent. 

The handling of the 'One Rank One Pension' agitation by military pensioners is a very good example of this weakness. Had he met the representatives of pensioners in early stages as they desired, their agitation would not have become a national embarrassment. 

The casual attitude to lynching of suspected cattle traffickers by BJP’s “fellow travelling” vigilante groups is yet another example of his overconfidence in “managing” crises, rather than taking preventive action  to avert them. 

Commitment to ideology

Strength: His unflinching commitment to Hindutva ideology has given courage to rally many Hindus to think of national interest beyond narrow confines of castes and sects, imparting new energy, particularly among youth. 

His assurance of fair play for Muslim minority and proactive initiatives like the abolition of triple talaq have bought him time and space among minorities to prove himself as a leader for all Indians.

Weakness: Taking advantage of Modi's ideological commitment, a number of Hindu fringe groups have started acting brazenly to settle scores to enforce their obscurantist ideas. 

Apart from law and order issues related to such activism, it has become the soft underbelly of the Modi government, which has not been able to curb such activism effectively.   

As a result, Jihadi extremism has been given a lease of life in trying to find fertile ground among the Muslim population. This is the flipside of ideological commitment of the PM, translated into action at the street level by some of his ideological cohorts.

Grey areas 

For a leader, who had shown great ability to understand even complex foreign relations issues, the PM has shown a surprising lack of understanding the effect of ignoring some key issues. 

National security continues to be a grey area, with an overworked finance minister doubling as part time manager of defence affairs for most part of three years. 

This could snowball into a major problem for the PM in the coming months as the national security environment is heating up rapidly.  

Instances like the crisis in appointments to higher judiciary, the ill-considered notification banning cattle trading, trampling upon  Centre-State relations  (despite Modi being had been a staunch supporter of states' powers) and continued sidelining of armed forces chiefs in national security policy making are some more examples of the PM’s grey areas.

Narendra Modi is perhaps the most critically analysed leader the country had ever produced. 

Despite this, the man still considered an outsider, if not a usurper, by New Delhi chatterati, has continued to top national popularity charts. This speaks for the strength of his personality and leadership skills.

Considering that there is no worthwhile challenger in the horizon, it looks as though Modi is poised to lead the nation for some time to come. 

However, he needs to attend to the grey areas clouding his performance, lest the opposition baying for his blood gains elbow strength to pull the rug from under his feet. 

#Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas, #Narendra Modi

The Writer is a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia, has rich experience in terrorism and insurgency operations.

Courtesy: India Today opinion portal www.dailyo.in

http://www.dailyo.in/politics/modi-ideology-sabka-saath-sabka-vikas/story/1/17593.html

Caste, an Unsavoury Reality

This is an issue, which often hit the headlines as we saw in the Justice Karnan episode. Is there a better way to handle caste matters, other than aggravating them?

Col R Hariharan  

The unsavoury episode of Justice CS Karnan has left a many red faces, not only in the Supreme Court, but among all of us, including the “enlightened” citizens. From the popular perspective, repeatedly reinforced by the media, there is absolutely no justification for his unconscionable behaviour.  Of course, it was an aberration waiting to happen, because of the systemic flaws in the Collegium system to the higher judiciary. It has been done without applying the limited systemic checks before his appointment.

Thanks to Justice Karnan, the selection system’s soft underbelly has been exposed. But as a nation that loves to endlessly debate every issue, without quickly acting, we can expect no radical change in the system after the Karnan episode.  As the Supreme Court is inclined to defend its turf, probably some cosmetic changes would be made in the system. It may sound cynical, but that is way we handle problems, following the Middle Path (with no offense to Gautama Buddha), rather than bite the bullet to take hard decisions.

But, this article is not a legal critique of Justice Karnan’s judicial misconduct. This is also not an apology for the theatrics that accompanied the misconduct. It is to take a closer look at the national issues it signals. 

COURSE CORRECTION

For too long, we have ignored such misconduct from those occupying high offices, both in bureaucracy and politics. They usually belonged to powerful non-dalit segments that call the shots and we invaribaly chose to ignore them for that reason. But Justice Karnan suffers the double whammy of  being a Dalit, holding a high office. That is one reason for the high decibel outrage.

Karnan's caste muddies the waters in making a dispassionate analysis of his misdemeanour, because the nation is dominated by the upper and middle castes. Our founding fathers, driven by social consciousness, introduced reservations for Dalits and tribals, who were traditionally marginalised from the national mainstream. When lawmakers made the transient arrangement a permanent feature of the constitution, they perpetuated the caste differences further.  'Mandalisation' was a part of it and strengthened caste stratification. Now, more castes are vying to be classified as more backward than others, in a nation that is trying to move forward.  We have been living with the anachronism of caste identity, rather than competency, becoming the lifeline.

It is immaterial whether we consider caste reservation right or wrong. Already for two generations caste identity has become a huge source of power. It is here to stay, be it politics, governance, education or employment.  

Caste plays a key role in shaping not only political perceptions, but also our social discourse. It is obvious in matrimonial columns, where caste takes priority over racism, seen in our preference for fair skin. Less obviously, it permeates our private conduct as well, thanks to the social conditioning we receive from childhood.

We would be living in cuckoo land, if we believe we can amend the constitution to abolish caste reservations. The constitution did not invent castes; it only gave it a statutory recognition. Caste panchayats had been there from times immemorial. Castes were based on hereditary occupations, somewhat like the trade guilds that flourished in Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries. These panchayats became the dispensers of both social justice and social security. They provided the muscle in caste confrontations as also led the palaver to resolve such confrontations. The reservation policy has queered this system, because caste based occupations have given way to knowledge-based ones. 

Dalits and marginalised communities have taken advantage of it to climb up the social ladder. Though occupations have changed, the system based on caste identity has not vanished. In fact, they have been reinforced by political parties that pander to divisive identities of caste. Almost all political parties have separate cells for dealing with various castes. In urban areas, political parties or their factions are operating the morphed version of caste panchayats.

TN CASE

In my state of Tamil Nadu, caste reservations were institutionalised two decades before Independence. The government of  Madras presidency (which included the whole of Tamil Nadu state)  led by chief minister Dr P Subbarayan (father of Communist leader-turned  Congress minister Mohan Kumaramangalam) implemented caste based reservations in 1927. Actually, it was implementing an earlier Government Order (G.O.No. 613) of 1921 that introduced caste based reservations. The government's implementation order G.O. Ms. No.102 of 1927 introduced reservations for Dalits, Christians and Muslims; it also reduced reservations for Brahmins from 22 percent to 18 percent and for other castes from 48 percent to 42 percent.

I remember when the order was abolished in my state after independence, my non-Brahmin classmates observed a day of protest, boycotting classes and shouting slogans against the Congress party and Brahmins, a minuscule minority hogging government jobs till then. Since then, for three generations, Tamil Nadu has practised institutionalised caste reservations with mixed results. Educated Dalits have clawed their way into politics and find a place in occupations that were the preserve of other castes.

That is how many Dalits from the state are now in state and central government jobs in high echelons. This is has been resented by backward classes, who have also benefitted from the system. Political turf wars based on caste equations have become essential part of coalition forming. However, it translates into virulent caste conflicts when politics fails to provide answers to social confrontations.

However, much of the change is more symbolic than substance. In the 60s, my small town in Tamil Nadu, the streets were named after the caste of the people who lived there.  And nobody made a big noise about it. Now, I find the same streets are named after national or state political leaders. Their traditional caste tags have been dropped, often resulting in ridiculous distortion of names; for instance, TT Krishnamachari Salai (road) in Chennai has become TT Krishnama Salai. The state’s avowed desire to help Dalits (called Adi Dravidas in the state) has given rise to Adi Dravida hostels, which are really ghettos built exclusively for Dalit students. It presents a cameo of the state's skewed approach to transform well meaning ideas into actions, skewed by ingrained caste prejudices.

Perhaps, a study of the impact of 80-years of caste based reservations in Tamil Nadu could provide useful pointers to handle unsavoury fall out of perpetuating reservations. It is possible such a study has already been carried out. If so, it is time to dust it up and take some remedial actions.

But the moot point is, are there any takers for improving the way we handle caste issues, apart from shouting slogans and expecting politicians to use their jugaad to handle critical issues? I have my doubts.

Col R Hariharan, a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia, has rich experience in terrorism and insurgency operations. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute.

Courtesy: India Legal | May 29, 2017 |  
http://www.indialegallive.com/opinion/caste-unsavoury-reality-25964

Did India make a mistake by skipping OBOR summit? 3 key questions answered

The Pakistani army will benefit immensely from the strategic alliance with the Chinese.

POLITICS | 5-minute read | 18-5-2017

COLONEL  R HARIHARAN @colhari2

1. Was Belt and Road Forum (BRF) summit an overall success?

Yes; from the Chinese point of view, BRF summit was a success because most of the key nations through which the Belt and Road projects pass through, barring India, attended the summit at the highest level. Thus the summit added substance to China’s bid to create a new world order across Asia.

But the EUrepresentatives (including those from Belgium, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, Italy and Spain) struck a jarring note by rejecting a Chinese text related to trade prepared at the summit.

According to media reports, EU representatives explained that for Europe the BR initiative would only succeed, if it was based on transparency and co-ownership.

The EU representative had also raised the issue of profitability of the project which remains a big question mark. This, in a way, vindicated India’s perceptions on the BR initiative.

Internally, the successful conclusion of BRF has given Xi's image a big boost making him “the master of all he surveys” as the cliche goes. This would further strengthen his control over the three echelons of power: the CPC, the government and PLA. But his acid test will be to successfully carry forward the project and deliver on his promises on OBOR to the people. This may not be an easy task, given the complexities of the BR initiative and the imponderables on its gruelling course.

2. Was India's decision to boycott correct?

Understandably, opinions are divided in the country on the Modi government’s decision to boycott. This is evident from editorials in national dailies, which are equally divided on the issue. There are merits and demerits in the decision taken by India.

The boycott is in keeping with the government’s policy decision, which was crystallised after China chose to ignore India's repeated expressions of concern about the CPEC's violation of Indian sovereignty in illegally occupied Indian territory in Kashmir.

Our foreign secretary has explained India’s deep concerns explicitly  to the Chinese counterparts on a number of occasions.

On the negative side, by boycotting the BRF, Prime Minister Modi lost a very good opportunity to put across the Indian perspectives and reservations on the OBOR and the CPEC at the forum attended by heads of state and high dignitaries from 29 countries.

I presume, the government took an informed decision to boycott the summit, considering the pros and cons in entirety. I also expect the government to have worked out a post-boycott action strategy. We will have to wait and see the developments in this regard in the coming weeks.

3. Has the BRF given a boost to Pakistan?

Yes. The Chinese gave place of prominence to Pakistan in the summit and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was basking in its glory. It has come at the right time for him, when his political fortunes at home have gone south rapidly.

He had been plagued by uncertainties about his future on two counts: uneasy relations with the army, which is a power centre outside the constitution in Pakistan.

The other is the judicial probe into the off shore accounts of his sons, details of which were leaked out in the Panama papers. It continues to haunt him.

Considering this, the BRF probably acted as a shot in the arm for him as his body language and broad smile in the visuals of the forum indicate.  

But on his triumphal return home, Nawaz Sharif  will be facing flak from opposition and the media, which have been critical of the lack of transparency in the CPEC project. This has gathered more mass, particularly after the Karachi newspaper Dawn published two CPEC project documents for the first time.

These indicate the great game the Chinese are playing in Pakistan. I am not sure how Pakistan intelligentsia and politicians will react to China planning to call the shots in all walks of life in Pakistan in the next decade plus, as visualised in the project papers.

Overall, we can expect the Pak PM to be fully occupied with damage control measures to salvage his reputation already in tatters.

Pakistan Army will be very happy with the BRF outcome, as it has been unflinching supporter of the CPEC.

As China’s powerful ally in Pakistan, army will immensely  benefit from the strategic alliance with the  Chinese, not only on the military front, but also in internal power play as well. It is likely to increase as the CPEC  matures further in the coming days.

Beefing up of infrastructure visualised under the project would add to rapid maneuverability of Pakistan’s armed forces in the coming years particularly along its western borders along Iran and Afghanistan .

Of course, along our western borders, improved communication networks to be executed under the project could add form and content to Pak army’s muscle-flexing in tandem with its Chinese allies.

So we can expect increased belligerence from the army hiking up its provocative activities through jihadi proxies in the valley to tie up our forces in fighting rearguard actions. This would add depth to safely execute the CPEC project in POK in areas close to the border.

It should also be matter of concern for our national security planners as the days may not be far off when Pakistan army carries out joint exercise with PLA close to our western borders.

So the moot question is: are the Indian armed forces ready to face  an increasingly belligerent Pakistan army, particularly, egged on by China’s elbow strength? This question is likely to increasingly figure in the nation’s security ouija board in the coming months and years.  

#India-Pakistan ties,  #China,   #CPEC,  #OBOR

The writer is a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia with rich experience in terrorism and insurgency operations.

Courtesy: India Today opinion portal www.dailyo.in http://www.dailyo.in/politics/obor-cpec-china-india-pakistan-ties/story/1/17261.html

Sri Lanka Perspectives -April 2017

Colonel R Hariharan   | 30-04-2017 |                                                                               

Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, May 2017 issue | www.security-risks.com 

Reading  the Sri Lanka-India  MoU

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to New Delhi from April 25 to 29, 2017 and the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) the two countries signed hogged the limelight of events during the month. Though foreign affairs analyst and unabashed Rajapakshaphile Dr Dayan Jayatilleka, given to hyperbole, called it “Ranil’s worst betrayal: Giving Trincomalee to India” even before the visit, there is a broader context both for the visit and the MoU. 

As India’s Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson described, it was a “working visit” to strengthen close relations existing between the two countries. For Sri Lanka, it meant not only India showing its readiness to under write development projects, but also its affirmation of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe’s course corrections to the relations. For India, it was a show of solidarity with Sri Lanka, particularly when it was negotiating with the Chinese for better concessional terms on Hambantota port and Colombo reclamation projects.

Of course, there is an even larger international context of Indian Ocean Region (IOR) security. Both India and the US have been increasingly concerned about the security of  IOR after China started asserting its increasing naval muscle in the region. With China gaining a firm foothold in Sri Lanka’s maritime infrastructure in Colombo port and Hambantota port under its control, it has become essential for India to periodically to share its mutual security concerns with Sri Lanka, which has close bonds with India.  This has become imperative as the IOR is likely to be the scene of increasingly muscular assertion among naval powers, particularly China.

The MoU is open ended except for deadlines preparatory to the finalization of projects.  As the Indian MEA spokesman said it provides a vision that would need further discussion, when more inputs became available. He saw it as part of India’s desire to promote its “external environment and naturally to neighbourhood first.”

According to the copy of the MoU carried in the Sunday Times, Colombo, its focus is mainly on promoting projects in energy, infrastructure connectivity and port development sectors with Indian assistance and investment in Colombo and Trincomalee areas as well as road segments mostly in Northern Province.  Thus India would be substantially contributing to the development of industries and infrastructure links in the North and East , which could help the regions integration with the rest of Sri Lanka. 

The projects include a re-gasified liquid natural gas (LNG) fired 500 MW power plant;  an LNG terminal/floating storage re-gasification unit in Kerawalapitiya near Colombo;  50 MW solar power plant at Sampur;  joint development of upper tank farm in Trincomalee, port, petroleum refinery and other industries in Trincomalee; industrial and special economic zones at locations to be identified; development of Mannar-Jaffna, Mannar-Trincomalee and Dambulla-Trincomalee expressways with Indian investment; up gradation and purchase of railway rolling stock; container terminal at Colombo port as a joint venture and agricultural sector and livestock development.

The MoU shows a number of features efforts of  both India and Sri Lanka to improve their project planning on a few counts. Time-bound schedule for projects is an interesting feature to avoid time-delay that had been the bane Indian-aided projects in Sri Lanka. The power generation projects are environment friendly, based on LNG and solar power; perhaps the cancelling of 500MW coal fired power plant to be built by India at Sampur, after advanced project planning, on environmental grounds induced the decision.

Another significant feature is India and Japan joining hands to build a floating LNG terminal, a 500MW power plant based on LNG and a gas distribution pipeline at Kerwalpitiya.  This would indicate the close bonds developing between India and Japan, furthering their strategic convergence in the IOR. It also has the potential for further cooperation and coordination between India and Japan in projects in Sri Lanka.

The MoU is yet another step in building bonds between the two countries beyond India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement (ISFTA) , which came in force in 2000. Both the countries have been discussing a comprehensive Economic and Technical Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) for some time now. Sri Lanka chambers of commerce have welcomed the idea.  However, the subject has become politically sensitive as Sri Lankan professionals fear ETCA would ultimately enable India to export services personnel to Sri Lanka, though its objective is not to open up Sri Lanka to Indian services personnel.  In view of this, India has shown no hurry in pushing it. Perhaps India would like to wait and watch the final shape of the China-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement (CSFTA), which has been on the anvil for some time.  The MoU has shown the contours of areas in which India can build economic bonds as and when the ETCA is finalized.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is scheduled to visit Colombo and Kandy to attend United Nations Day of Vesak in Sri Lanka. The three-day celebration will begin on May 12 at Colombo and closing ceremony will be held in Kandy. However, as of now the Indian prime minister’s visit will be strictly to attend the religious function. Other foreign dignitaries attending the celebration include Nepali President Ms Bidya Devi Bhandari.

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com