Tuesday, 5 March 2019

Sri Lanka Perspectives: February 2019



Sri Lanka Perspectives: February 2019

Col R Hariharan | 28-2-2019 | Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, March 2019 | www.security-risks.com |


Getting ready for the UNHRC session

President Maithripala Sirisena is reported to be seriously examining the implications of withdrawing from the US-backed UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution Sri Lanka had co-sponsored in September 2015. By co-sponsoring the resolution, Sri Lanka was committed to set up a tribunal with international participation to investigate allegations of war crimes committed by the army as part of its accountability for human rights aberrations during the Eelam War.

The President’s rethink on the resolution comes on the eve of the 40th annual session of the UNHRC being held in Geneva from February 22 to March 25.  It will be taking up the review on Sri Lanka on March 20 when the core group consisting of the UK, Canada, Germany, Macedonia and Montenegro is expected to urge the Council’s support for the resolution once again. Though the US is not part of the Core Group as it had quit the Council, it has continued to work with Sri Lanka government on the implementation of the UN resolution.

The Core Group on Sri Lanka is expected to present a resolution on promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka, making it more a semantic exercise than a substantive value addition. The resolution will buy time as will have to buy time as all the four aspects of transitional justice are still not fully implemented.

President Sirisena speaking to the Colombo weekly the Sunday Times had said, “I would wish we can withdraw from it. Discussions are now on over this matter.” This reflects President Sirisena’s exasperation in handling the consequences of the UNHRC resolution passed under his watch. He never accepted international involvement in the process to investigate the war crimes allegations as he considered it a domestic issue.

He had always maintained the army never committed any war crimes during the Eelam war.  This is understandable as he had served as defence minister in President Rajapaksa cabinet during the Eelam War. In spite of his reservations, in 2015 President Sirisena probably for reasons of political and diplomatic  expediency went along with foreign minister Mangala Samaraweera’s suggestion to co-sponsor the diluted US draft resolution.

Moreover, at that point the Presiden probably felt he was beholden to the US and its allies for their open support that had enabled him to defeat President Rajapaksa. He probably also saw sponsoring the resolution would be seen as part of the yahapalana vision, when he joined hands with the UNP to defeat Rajapaksa’s attempt to stage a come-back in the August 2015 parliamentary election.

In the final draft of the 2015 resolution, the US had agreed to tone down the requirement for foreign participation in the tribunal, by not specifying the exact nature of foreign participation, while retaining it in a domestic mechanism. The revised resolution was passed as it recognized the serious nature of the allegations as well as the failure of Sri Lanka to act upon them as required by earlier UNHRC resolutions.

The final resolution disappointed many Sri Lankan Tamils and Tamil Nadu political parties as they had been demanding only international mechanism. They had justifiably little faith in Sri Lanka’s domestic process, because in the past domestic inquiries into any human rights aberrations were subjected to heavy political interference. In spite of this, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) chief Sampanthan accepted the resolution at that time as he felt only a consensus resolution could make its honest implementation possible. Moreover, the resolution also addressed the main issues of accountability and reconciliation. On foreign participation, he was of the view that involvement of Commonwealth and other foreign judges, defence counsel, prosecutors and investigators would give the judicial process much greater credibility. 

But much to the dismay of those who wanted to usher in a clean government and voted the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo to power and to the disappointment of the US and the EU who had supported their rise, their government never implemented the UN body’s resolution either in letter or spirit. With President Sirisena breaking away from Ranil Wickremesinghe and the UNP coalition we can expect the resolution to continue to remain in the half way house, as yet another belied promise.

As the implementation process is connected to good governance, distrust is a growing in the political process itself. Growing national solidarity with the demands of the relatives of missing persons, who have been protesting in Kilinochchi continuously for over 700 days is a testimony to it.

If President Sirisena withdraws Sri Lanka’s sponsorship at the UNHRC, it will only reinforce the long standing belief of among Sri Lankan Tamils that Sri Lankan government never maintain their promise to deliver equitable justice to minorities. In 2015, India had supported the revised US draft, though on principle India is always opposed to the role of foreign judges in internal conflicts.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi had earlier spelled out India’s stand on the issue:“Our position is very clear. We stand for justice and at the same time we are respectful of the Sri Lankan sovereignty issues to the extent the Sri Lankan government is comfortable with the formulation that marries the two.” Even as the UNHRC discusses the Core Group’s resolution on Sri Lanka, Prime Minister Modi will be in the thick of the general elections. His party BJP is contesting the elections in Tamil Nadu in alliance with AIADMK and two other smaller parties. So India’s stand could be conditioned to some extent on Tamil Nadu political perspectives on Sri Lanka and UNHRC resolution. However, Sri Lanka Tamils have lost much of the political traction they had in the past. So India can be expected to maintain its stand vocalized by PM Modi.

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com  Blog: http://col.hariharan.info



Sunday, 3 March 2019

Indo-Pak Confrontation: Now What?


Pakistan releasing the downed IAF pilot Abhinandan Varthaman has  the ball in India’s court. But Imran Khan, too, will have to de-escalate the situation by dismantling terrorist camps

Col R Hariharan | Perspective | India Legal | March 1, 2019 |

With IAF pilot Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman back home from Pakistan and receiving a hero’s welcome, tempers have cooled down somewhat between India and its neighbour which were on the brink of a confrontation. These relations entered a potential conflict zone after 12 IAF Mirage 2000s carried out a carefully crafted mission to destroy the largest Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM)training centre in Balakot in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in Pakistan. Apart from this, camps were destroyed in Muzaffarabad and Chakothi in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) on February 26. India’s muscular response was to avenge JeM’s suicide bomb attack on a CRPF convoy in Pulwama in J&K, killing 40 jawans.

Though India’s response came 12 days after the Pulwama attack, it was well-planned to cover political, diplomatic and military aspects. This was evident in the way the Air Force had meticulously planned to ensure total surprise. The IAF strike was supported by airborne early warning and control radar systems designed to detect and track aircraft, missiles and ships, and air defence cover by Sukhoi 30MKI aircraft, while Heron drones conducted surveillance of the LoC. In order to achieve total surprise, the Mirages were inducted directly into operation from Gwalior with Ilyushin (Il-78) aircraft providing mid-air fuelling facility. It was a demonstration of the IAF’s capability to carry out a complex air operation. Both Pakistan and China would have taken note of this to factor it in their strategic matrix.
India has made it clear that the operation was not against the Pakistan military or its people. Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale, in an official statement, called the operation “an intelligence-led operation” carried out in the early hours of the day. He said: “India struck the biggest training camp of JeM in Balakot. In this operation, a very large number of JeM terrorists, trainers, senior commanders and groups of jihadis who were being trained for fidayeen action were eliminated.”
He added that Pakistan had taken no concrete action to dismantle the infrastructure of terrorism, though India had been repeatedly urging it to act against the JeM. Justifying the action, he said that “credible intelligence was received that JeM was attempting another suicide terror attack in various parts of the country”. He described the action as a “non-military pre-emptive action” and emphasised that “the selection of target was also conditioned by our desire to avoid civilian casualties. The facility is located in thick forest on a hilltop far away from any civilian presence”.
Pakistan was in a tizzy after the Indian air strike. It closed its air space for civilian air traffic. Pro­vincial governments were put on security alert. According to an IAF spokes­man, over the next two days, Pakistan aircraft had violated Indian air space in J&K 32 times. Pakistan’s retaliatory strike came a day after the Balakot attack when three PAF fighters, out of a formation of 10 PAF war planes including F-16s, JF-17s and Mirage 5s, crossed the LoC and intruded seven km into Indian airspace in Nowshera area to strike at three military targets. According to media reports, Pakistan’s targets included a brigade headquarters in Krishna Ghati (Poonch), a battalion headquarters (near Nangi Tehri) and a supply dump and ammunition point in Nyari. However, two MiG-21 interceptors scrambled to drive away the Pakistani aircraft, which dumped their bombs in open ground.
Pakistan prime minister Imran Khan initially put up a brave face when he addressed the joint session of his parliament to discuss the increasing tension. He said that despite his multiple overtures for peace, the response from New Delhi was not encouraging. He said: “We realised that it was because of upcoming elections in India.” So the government decided to wait until the polls in India were over before making another offer for talks. However, he “feared they would do something”.
He said he had a meeting with Army Chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa after the Indian aircraft violated Pakistani air space. At this meeting, it was decided that Pakistan would not respond straightaway. “We realised that Pakistani people might get upset that we did not respond, but we decided that since we did not know if there were any casualties, in case of an immediate response, there will be escalation.”
His explanation that the only purpose of Pakistan’s strike was to demonstrate its capability, and not to inflict any casualty on India, is unbelievable. It is doubtful if any country would use its valuable air assets merely to demonstrate its capability, particularly in an operationally critical situation.
However, the capture of its pilot skewed India’s priorities for a while as the air strike in Balakot and PoK was carried out to fulfill PM Narendra Modi’s promise to avenge the Pulwama killings and put a stop to JeM terrorist activity in J&K. However, after Pulwama, Imran Khan promised to take action if India produced evidence of the alleged involvement of Pakistan-based JeM terrorists. This has been Pakistan’s standard ploy to delay action on India’s complaints. After the dastardly 26/11 attack in Mumbai, India had produced dossiers of evidence, but there was no follow-up action.
However, after the air strike on Balakot, India made available the dossier of the evidence to Pakistan. Earlier, India had given the dossier to the US, China and other powers too. Modi’s action was in tune with the public opinion in India, which applauded the IAF’s successful strike. But a day later, public opinion rallied to demand the release of the pilot, turning it into the first priority.
The pilot’s capture gave a breather to Imran Khan as tremendous international pressure was building up on Pakistan to take action to curb JeM terrorist activities. The US stand was unambiguously in favour of India, with US Secretary of State Michael Pompeo describing the Indian air strike as “counter terrorism actions”. After speaking to the foreign ministers of India and Pakistan, he asked both countries to “exercise restraint, and avoid escalation at any cost”. Almost all UNSC members also appealed to both countries to exercise restraint. No country condemned India’s air strike inside Pakistan.
Hussain Haqqani, former Pakistan ambassador to Washington and currently with Hudson Institute, aptly summed up the situation in his tweet: “International community including China have advised both sides to ‘exercise restraint.’ So far, no country has supported Pakistan against ‘violation of sovereignty’ or ‘Indian aggression’.” Well-known scholar Christian Fair was more forthright. She tweeted: “Pakistan attacks India incessantly using terror proxies which the army, ISI and navy arm, resource, train, and launch on missions they design all over India outside Kashmir. So Pakistanis should literally shut up and take it as the punishment their state deserves.”
Pakistan must have been disappointed with China cautiously wording its comments after the situation worsened between India and Pakistan. China will be caught in an anomalous situation if confrontation breaks out into a full-fledged war. Though China and Pakistan enjoy a multifaceted relationship and have a strategic security agreement, the former’s relations with India are also growing, but on a different plane. China enjoys a trade surplus of over $73 billion with India; India had been clocking over seven percent growth on an average for the last five years and presents a huge, attractive market for Chinese goods. Moreover, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, the infrastructure development project in which China is investing over $40 billion, passes through PoK and any military confrontation will affect the progress of the project.
In addition, India has become an essential partner in China-sponsored multilateral forums such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. China is also strengthening trilateral cooperation with India and Russia. Chinese state councillor and foreign minister Wang Yi said the three countries had agreed to firmly uphold multilateralism and the international system with the UN as the core, as well as the basic norms of international relations, including the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other countries.
So it is not surprising to see Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Lu Kang saying: “We are indeed worried about the current tension between Pakistan and India.” Wang Yi has repeatedly expressed China’s concerns in his talks with his counterparts in India and Pakistan. The spokesperson said: “We urge both Pakistan and India to exercise the utmost restraint and conduct dialogue as soon as possible. Control the situation and jointly safeguard peace and stability.”
According to Reuters, the US, UK and France have proposed that the UN Security Council blacklist Masood Azhar, the head of JeM. They asked the 15-member UN Security Council sanctions committee to subject him to an arms embargo, global travel ban and assets freeze. However, the proposal will only be finalised on March 13 after consensus. China as the lone supporter of Pakistan had delayed the action in the committee on “technical grounds”.
Last, but not least, is Pakistan’s precarious economic situation which makes going to war the least favourable option. Pakistan is beholden to China and Saudi Arabia for financial support to tide through the crisis as its foreign reserves are in single-digit.
Hemmed in by these constraints, Imran took everyone by surprise when he announced in parliament on February 28 that “in our desire for peace” and as a first step to open negotiations, Pakistan would be releasing the IAF officer. He added that Pakistan’s efforts for de-escalation should not be construed as “weakness”.
Imran’s move to release the prisoner has clearly put the ball in Modi’s court. Though the Indian PM has said that India will pursue its objective to eradicate the terrorist threat, on the eve of elections, public opinion could be divided over continuing with operations across the LoC, particularly after Imran’s goodwill gesture. This was evident from the welcome his announcement received from many leaders in India and abroad.
Punjab Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh said: “I’m very happy, I had demanded his (the pilot’s) release earlier too. This is going to be a step towards goodwill and I hope this will be lasting.” Former J&K Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti, too, complimented Imran, saying he had “exhibited real statesmanship today”. She hoped that “our leadership will reciprocate and try to de-escalate the situation”. She also hoped that Imran would act upon the evidence provided to Pakistan “so that tension between the two countries ends”.
In addition, India has become an essential partner in China-sponsored multilateral forums such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. China is also strengthening trilateral cooperation with India and Russia. Chinese state councillor and foreign minister Wang Yi said the three countries had agreed to firmly uphold multilateralism and the international system with the UN as the core, as well as the basic norms of international relations, including the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other countries.
So it is not surprising to see Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Lu Kang saying: “We are indeed worried about the current tension between Pakistan and India.” Wang Yi has repeatedly expressed China’s concerns in his talks with his counterparts in India and Pakistan. The spokesperson said: “We urge both Pakistan and India to exercise the utmost restraint and conduct dialogue as soon as possible. Control the situation and jointly safeguard peace and stability.”
According to Reuters, the US, UK and France have proposed that the UN Security Council blacklist Masood Azhar, the head of JeM. They asked the 15-member UN Security Council sanctions committee to subject him to an arms embargo, global travel ban and assets freeze. However, the proposal will only be finalised on March 13 after consensus. China as the lone supporter of Pakistan had delayed the action in the committee on “technical grounds”.

Last, but not least, is Pakistan’s precarious economic situation which makes going to war the least favourable option. Pakistan is beholden to China and Saudi Arabia for financial support to tide through the crisis as its foreign reserves are in single-digit.
Hemmed in by these constraints, Imran took everyone by surprise when he announced in parliament on February 28 that “in our desire for peace” and as a first step to open negotiations, Pakistan would be releasing the IAF officer. He added that Pakistan’s efforts for de-escalation should not be construed as “weakness”.
Imran’s move to release the prisoner has clearly put the ball in Modi’s court. Though the Indian PM has said that India will pursue its objective to eradicate the terrorist threat, on the eve of elections, public opinion could be divided over continuing with operations across the LoC, particularly after Imran’s goodwill gesture. This was evident from the welcome his announcement received from many leaders in India and abroad.
Punjab Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh said: “I’m very happy, I had demanded his (the pilot’s) release earlier too. This is going to be a step towards goodwill and I hope this will be lasting.” Former J&K Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti, too, complimented Imran, saying he had “exhibited real statesmanship today”. She hoped that “our leadership will reciprocate and try to de-escalate the situation”. She also hoped that Imran would act upon the evidence provided to Pakistan “so that tension between the two countries ends”.
Apparently, Imran has used his bowling skills to bowl a googly to use the confrontation from the core issue of bleeding India using terrorists. In this mind-game, Imran has the advantage of not having the Damocles’ sword of elections hanging over him like Modi. Moreover, Imran has Gen Bajwa behind him in decision-making as he himself has acknowledged.
Imran’s dramatic and “generous” gesture in releasing the pilot  and inviting Modi for talks meets the immediate needs of international powers. Some of them, friendly to both countries, would appreciate such a gesture as it saves them from an embarrassing situation. We can expect China to persuade India to reciprocate Pakistan’s gesture by de-escalating the military situation.
But Imran would probably not bargain for Modi digging his heels in and fighting for his beliefs. So to lend credibility, it’s not only India, but Imran too who has to de-escalate the situation by taking substantive action by dismantling terrorist camps and deny the fidayeen the freedom to operate against India from Pakistan’s soil.  Can he do it? Will the army allow it? Only time can tell.
Modi faces a more complex task as he has to balance his strategic response to take it to the logical conclusion and at the same time, gain the approval of his people so that they will vote him back to power. We can expect him to continue with his holistic narrative internally in J&K and continue the pressure game on Pakistan. But it could be muted to accommodate international partners.
India must factor in all these questions before responding to Pakistan.
—The writer is a military intelligence specialist on South Asia, associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Studies Institute






















India-Pakistan relations entered  potential conflict zone following the rapid developments after  a dozen IAF Mirage2000 aircraft carried out a carefully crafted mission to destroy the largest  Jaish e Mohammed (JeM)  training centre in Balakot in Khyber Pakhtunkwa province in Pakistan, apart from camps in Muzaffarabad and Chakothi in POK on February 26. India’s muscular response was to avenge JeM’s suicide car bomb attack on a CRPF convoy in Pulwama in J&K, killing 40 jawans 12 days earlier.

Though India’s response came 12 days after Pulwama attack, it was well planned to cover political, diplomatic and military aspects. This was evident in the way the air force had planned meticulously planned to ensure total surprise. IAF Mirage2000 strike was supported by airborne early warning and control aircraft (AEW&C) radar systems designed to detect and track aircraft, missiles and ships and air defence cover by Sukhoi 30MkI aircraft, while Heron drone conducted realtime surveillance of the LOC. In order to achieve total surprise Mirage fighters were inducted directly into operation from Gwalior base with  Ilyushin 78 aircraft providing mid air fuelling facility. It was a demonstration of IAF’s capability to operate a complex air operation in the modern C3S and I command and control system in place. Both Pakistan and China would have taken note of IAF’s demonstrated capability to factor it in their strategic matrix.

India made it clear that the operation was not against Pakistan military or people. Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale in an official statement called the operation “an intelligence led operation” carried out in the early hours of the day. He said “India struck the biggest training camp of JeM in Balakot. In this operation, a very large number of JeM terrorists, trainers, senior commanders and groups of Jihadis who were being trained for fedayeen action were eliminated.” He also mentioned that the Balakot facility was headed by Maulana Yousuf Azhar (aliasUstad Ghouri).

He added that Pakistan had taken no concrete actions to dismantle the infrastructure of terrorism, though India had been repeatedly urging Pakistan to take action against the JeM to prevent training and arming of terrorists. Justifying the action, he said “credible intelligence was received that JeM was attempting another suicide terror attack in various parts of the country. Describing the action as a “non-military preemptive action,”  he said it was specifically targeted at the JeM camp. He emphasized “the selection of target was also conditioned by our desire to avoid civilian casualties. The facility is located in thick forest on a hilltop far away from any civilian presence.”

Pakistan was on a tizzy after the Indian air strike. It closed the air space for civilian air traffic. Provincial governments were put on security alert. According to IAF spokesman, in the next two days Pakistan air craft had violated Indian air space in J&K 32 times.  Pakistan’s retaliatory strike came a day after Balakot attack, when three PAF fighters, out of a formation of ten PAF war planes including F16s, JF 17s and Mirage 5s, crossed the LOC and intruded seven km into Indian airspace in Nowshera area to strike at three Indian military targets.

According to media reports Pak targets included a brigade headquarters in Krishnaghati (Poonch),   a battalion headquarters (near Nangi Tehri) and a supply dump and ammunition point in Nyari. However, two MiG-21 interceptors scrambled to drive away the Pak aircraft, which dumped their bombs in open ground.

In the dogfight that followed a MiG 21 (Bison) of 80s vintage piloted by Wing Commander Abinandan fired a missile to bring down the F16 plane in classical World War II style. It is learnt thatt  the MiG21 was hit by a splinter from the F16 after it was hit and not by air defence fire as reported in the media. Wing Commander Abhinandan parachuted to safety in POK and taken prisoner. It is a tribute to the Indian officer’s skill that he came out on top using an obsolete fighter in combat with F!6 of a far superior class. At the same time, it is also an example of the human cost the services have continued to pay for decades of indifference of successive governments to equip the armed forces with modern weaponry though security environment has become more dynamic and networked.

PM Imran Khan initially put up a brave face when he addressed the joint session of parliament on Thursday when it met to discuss the increasing tension after the Pulwama attack and subsequent air strikes by both sides. He said that despite his multiple overtures for peace, the response from New Delhi had not been encouraging. He said “we realized that it was because of upcoming elections in India.” So the government decided to wait until the polls in India were over before making another offer for talks. However, he “feared they would do something”.
He said he had a meeting with the Army Chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa after the Indian air craft violated Pakistan air space. At this meeting it was decided that Pakistan will not respond straightaway. “We realized that Pakistani people might get upset that we did not respond, but  we decided that since we did not know if there were any casualties, in case of an immediate response there will be escalation.”
The PM’s explanation that the “only purpose of our strike was to demonstrate our capability and will. We did not want to inflict any casualty on India as we wanted to act in a responsible manner” is not believable as it is doubtful whether any country would use its valuable air assets mere to demonstrate its capability, particularly in operationally critical situation.
 Capture of the air force pilot skewed India’s priorities for a while as the Indian air strike against JeM centre in Balakot and in POK was carried out to fulfil PM Narendra Modi’s promise to avenge Pulwama killings and put a stop to JeM terrorist activity in J&K. This had been India’s long standing demand to Pakistan to put a stop to terrorists operating from its soil against India have been ignored. However after Pulwama attack, Pak PM Imran Khan had promised to take action if India produced evidence for the alleged involvement of Pak based JeM terrorists. Usually, this had been Pakisan’s standard ploy of Pakistan to delay action on Indian complaints; after 26/11 Mumbai this exercise was gone through in all sincerity India produced dossiers of evidence.

However, after carrying out the air strike on Balakot, India produced the dossier on the evidence it had collected to Pakistan. Earlier, India had also given the dossier to the US, China and other powers. was earlier given to a of Modi’s action was in tune with the public opinion in India, which applauded the IAF’s successful strike. But a day later, public opinion rallied to demand the release of Indian pilot turning it into the first priority.

The capture of Indian pilot gave a breather to Pakistan PM Imran Khan as tremendous international pressure was building up on Pakistan to take action to curb JeM terrorist activities.  The US stand was unambiguously in favour of India, with the US Secretary of State Michael Pompeo describing India air strike as “counter terrorism actions.” After speaking to the foreign ministers of India and Pakistan after the Indian air strike, he said he “expressed to both ministers we encourage India and Pakistan to exercise restraint, and avoid escalation at any cost.” Almost all UNSC members appealed to both countries to exercise restraint and no country condemned Indian air strike  carried out inside Pakistan.

Hussain Haqqani,  former Pakistan ambassador to Washington and currently  with Hudson Institute, aptly summed up the situation in his tweet: International community including China have advised  both sides to ‘exercise restraint.’ So far, no country has supported Pakistan against ‘violation of sovereignty’ or ‘Indian aggression.’  Well known scholar Christian Fair was more forthright; she tweeted: Pakistan attacks India incessantly using terror proxies which the army, ISI and navy arm, resource, train, and launch on missions they design all over India outside Kashmir. So Pakistanis should literally shut up and take it as the punishment their state deserves.

Pakistan must have been disappointed with China cautiously wording its comments after the situation worsened between India and Pakistan ever since Pulwama attack was carried out. China will be caught in an anomalous situation if  Indo-Pak confrontation broke out into a full-fledged war. Though China and Pakistan enjoy multifaceted relationship and have a strategic security agreement, China’s relations with India are also growing on a different plane. China enjoys a trade surplus of over $73 billion with India; India had been clocking over 7 per cent growth on an average for the last five years and presents a huge, attractive market for Chinese goods. Moreover the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the infrastructure development project in which China is investing over $40 billion passes through POK area and any military confrontation in the region would affect the progress of the project. 
India has become an essential partner in China-sponsored multilateral forums like the BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.  China is also strengthening the trilateral cooperation with India and Russia. Only last month, foreign ministers of China, Russia, India met in Wuzhen, Zhejiang province and agreed to strengthen trilateral coordination and cooperation to bring more stability and positive energy to the volatile international landscape. State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi said the three countries had agreed to firmly uphold multilateralism and the international system with the UN as the core, as well as the basic norms of international relations including the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other countries. Significantly, Wang added that in terms of regional and international hot issues, the three countries agreed that inclusive dialogue should be the approach to resolving problems.

So it is not surprising to see Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lu Kang saying “We are indeed worried about the current tension between Pakistan and India. China’s foreign minister Wang Yi has repeatedly expressed China’s concerns in his talks with the Indian foreign minister and Pakisani foreign minister. The spokesperson said “we urge both Pakistan and India to exercise the utmost restraint and conduct dialogue as soon as possible. Control the situation and jointly safeguard peace and stability.” He added that China had been maintaining close communication with Pakistan and Inda on current state of affairs and has been involved in consultations while promoting talks. “China was willing to continue to play a constructive role in this regared” he added.  At the same time, he said that State Councillor Wang Yi clearly emphasized that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries should be earnestly respected.

UN pressure

According to the Reuters which accessed the United States, Britain and France proposal that the UN Security Council  blacklist the head of outlawed group JeM, which claimed the attack on CRPF convoy in Pulwama. They asked the 15-member UN Security Council sanctions committee to subject Masood Azhar to an arms embargo, global travel ban and asset freeze. However, as the proposal will only be finalised on March 13 as the UNSC committee operates on consensus and the members have time to raise objections till then.  China as the lone on supporter of Pakistan had delayed the action in the committee on “technical grounds.” 

Last, but not least, is Pakistan’s precarious economic situation, which makes going to war the least favourable option. And Pakistan is beholden to China and Saudi Arabia for financial support to tide through the crisis as its foreign reserves are in single digit.

Hemmed in by these constraints, PM Imran Khan took everyone by surprise when he announced in the joint session of parliament on February 28 that “in our desire for peace” and as a first step to open negotiations, Pakistan will be releasing the Indian Air Force officer in our custody.” He added that Pakistan’s efforts for de-escalation should not be construed as a “weakness.”

What next?
 
PM Imran Khan’s move to release the prisoner  has clearly put the ball in Modi’s court. Though he has spoken that India would pursue its objective to eradicate terrorist threat, on the eve of elections public opinion could be divided over continuing with Indian operations across the LOC, particularly after Imran Khan’s good will gesture. This was evident from the welcome the Pak PM’s announcement has received in India.  Indian His announcement has been welcomed by many leaders in India and abroad.

Punjab Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh said: "I'm very happy, I had demanded his release earlier too. This is going to be a step towards goodwill and I hope this will be lasting." Former J&K chief minister Mehbooba Mufti, too, complimented the prime minister, saying he has "exhibited real statesmanship today". She hoped “our leadership will reciprocate and try to deescalate the situation. She also hoped that PM Khan would act upon the evidence provided to Pakistan “so that tension between the two countries end.”
That is the key dilemma for India. Will Pakistan okeep up its promise to take action against Masood Azhar and JeM? That is the million dollar question. Does PM Imran Khan has the ability to influence the Deep State to dismantle its strategic assets that bleed India? India will have to factor these questions in responding to Pakistan.



Kashmir: India’s Achilles Heel

http://www.indialegallive.com/did-you-know-facts-about-news/perspective-news/kashmir-indias-achilles-heel-61081



The horrendous Pulwama killing has caught India napping and shows the need to evolve a holistic strategy to combat Pakistan’s Deep State which is using terrorism to bleed India through a thousand cuts

Col R Hariharan | Perspective | India Legal | February 23, 2019 | 

The suicide attack by Adil Ahmed Dar, a 20-year-old Kashmiri cadre of the Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM)on a CRPF convoy in Pulwama on February 14, killing over 40 CRPF jawans, is a watershed moment in our long history of fighting militancy in J&K. The never-before-seen outburst of anger and outrage across the country at this attack showed that public patience is wearing thin at the insouciant way successive governments have been handling the Kashmir issue.

Immediately after the attack, an elated JeM claimed responsibility for it. Public reaction to it ranged from a flood of hate messages in social media against Pakistan and Kashmiri terrorists to non-partisan protest rallies to Bollywood slapping a ban on the participation of Pakistani film artistes in films. A Pakistani prisoner with suspected links to the Lashkar-e-Taiba, another Pakistan-based terrorist group, serving a life term in Jaipur jail, was killed by other inmates, ostensibly in a quarrel with them. The sense of outrage was reflected in the body language of Prime Minister Narendra Modi after the Pulwama attack. The usually taciturn Modi repeatedly emphasised that the sacrifice of the jawans would not go in vain and warned Pakistan it would pay a heavy price for the killings.
Buoyed by the huge success of the Pulwama attack, the JeM is likely to keep up the momentum by carrying out more terror strikes. In follow-up operations in Pulwama after the attack, four security forces personnel, including an army major, were killed and a few others, including a DIG and a brigadier, were injured, sending a clear signal that, far from being a lone wolf attack, Pulwama was a well-planned one. Security forces, meanwhile, eliminated three JeM terrorists, including the suspected mastermind of the Pulwama attack and IED expert Abdul Rashid Gazi.
INDIA’S OPTIONS
Strategic analysts have been discussing a number of military options available to India. These ranged from carrying out air strikes on the JeM headquarters in Bahawalpur in Sindh to missile attacks on terrorist camps across the Line of Control (LoC) in PoK to carrying out covert operations to eliminate Masood Azhar, the founder-patron of JeM who is living in Pakistan. While carrying out any of these military options would satisfy the widespread demand for revenge, it would not persuade Pakistan to dismantle its proxy war apparatus.
In the wake of the Pulwama attack, India has taken a series of measures on the diplomatic, trade and financial fronts. It has requested the international community to take concrete diplomatic steps such as issuing statements condemning Pakistan, supporting India’s efforts to blacklist it by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and designating Azhar a global terrorist by the UN. Though over 50 countries have condemned the Pulwama attack, only the US seems to have named the JeM as the Pakistan-based terrorist group involved in the attack.

India has withdrawn the Most Favoured Nation status given to Pakistan in 1996, although it is unlikely to have much impact as the total trade between the two neighbours was only $2.4 billion in 2017-18, just 0.31 percent of India’s total trade.
Coming to FATF, it is a policymaking body to promote effective implementation of legal, regulatory and operational measures for combating money laundering, terrorist financing and other related threats to the integrity of the international financial system. Pakistan was placed in the grey list of monitored jurisdiction of FATF in 2018. India proposes to present a dossier on its support to the JeM to persuade FATF to place it in the high-risk and non-cooperative category. Though China had not objected to placing Pakistan in the grey list, it is likely to obstruct any move by India to blacklist it. However, India’s move is likely to highlight Pakistan’s complicity in the terrorist attack in Pulwama among the 38 countries in FATF.

RESPONSE TO TERRORISM

The Pulwama attack is significant, not only because it has the dubious distinction of topping the number of security forces personnel killed in a single terrorist attack in J&K during the last decade, but it indicates the scaling up of the JeM’s terrorist technique when it used a car bomb in the Pulwama attack.
According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), the last vehicle-borne suicide attack in the state was carried out on November 2, 2005, near the residence of then chief minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, killing three policemen and six civilians. In another attack on a CRPF camp in Avantipora a little over a year ago, JeM terrorists had used steel-jacketed ammunition that penetrated body armour for the first time.
Two days before the February 14 attack, there was intelligence input about the JeM preparing for a car bomb attack against security convoys on the Jammu-Srinagar road. However, it did not specify when and where it would take place. According to K Vijaya Kumar, the governor’s security adviser, sanitising the road was “impossible” as there were 70 intersections, 35 on each side. CRPF authorities did not seem to have factored in the risks of sending an unwieldy 70-vehicle-long convoy on this road without sufficient security.
The explosives-laden vehicle was reported to have followed the convoy, despite warning from the convoy’s security detail. That the vehicle ultimately managed to ram a bus carrying CRPF troops to complete its mission indicates the lack of alertness of the escort vehicles which should have been prompt in responding to a potential threat situation.
Usually, when military convoys move in militancy-prone areas, civilian traffic is stopped. However, in J&K, this standard security procedure was discontinued as the state government wanted to avoid inconvenience to civilian vehicles on this lifeline. Only now, after paying a compromise cost of over 40 lives, have the authorities reimposed the restriction on civilian traffic when convoys of security forces move.
Though initial reports said 350 kg of explosives were used in the blast, probably it was much less. Investigators who found a jerrycan which was probably used for the blast said that it could not have held more than 30 kg of military grade RDX. It was probably smuggled across the border over a period of time and stashed in safe houses. This would indicate that the JeM’s supply conduits from across the border and within the state are still intact in spite of sustained security force operations to cut them off.
The increased involvement of local youth in terrorist attacks shows the ability and resilience of the JeM to recruit, train and motivate them to undertake suicide missions despite 2018 proving to be the bloodiest year for militancy in J&K.
MILITANTS ON THE BACKFOOT

Only last month, Northern Army Commander Lt Gen Ranbir Singh, speaking in the backdrop of “Operation All Out”, claimed that 2018 was the most successful year in anti-militancy operations in the passed decade. According to home ministry figures, during 2018, over 257 terrorists (including many leaders) were killed in 614 incidents, while 91 security personnel and 38 civilians lost their lives. The data showed that between 2014 and 2018, there was a 93 percent increase in the number of security personnel killed in terrorist incidents in the state which increased by 176 percent. According to SATP, “the total fatalities recorded in 2018 are the highest recorded in the state since 2010”.
SATP’s assessment also showed progressive increase in the spread of terrorist activity in J&K. This was gleaned from fatalities reported from districts. In 2018, fatalities were reported from 16 of 22 districts in the state as against 13 districts in 2014. The SATP assessment says: “Significantly, by end 2011, at least seven districts in the state had been declared completely free of militancy…,” while the state home ministry had reported militancy related incidents “in single digits”.
An objective introspection of the reasons for the increase in Pakistan-inspired terrorist activity in the state would attribute it to the BJP-PDP alliance’s politics of expediency and opportunism to stay in power. During the ill-conceived coalition rule, the “war on terrorism” became a bundle of contradictions; security forces taking measures to safeguard men and material were slapped with FIRs, while stone-throwing mobs guided by Pakistan-inspired terrorists were allowed to go scot-free.
Flying of Pakistani and Islamic State flags on top of mosques and city centres were dismissed as acts of misguided youth. Terrorist leaders killed in clashes were glorified by politicians, including those in power.
It sent a strong signal that the state government was not serious about ensuring security in the face of growing terrorist activity.
LOSS OF CREDIBILITY
Undoubtedly, this eroded the Modi government’s credibility in tackling terrorism in the Kashmir Valley, despite the much-publicised surgical strike carried out across the LoC. It is sad that in spite of the huge sacrifices made by our security forces and loss of lives and resources, our Kashmir narrative continues to be a work in progress regardless of who is occupying the hot seat in New Delhi. The Pulwama attack is only a reiteration of the fact that Kashmir continues to be India’s Achilles’ heel in statecraft.
There is no doubt that the Pakistan Army is waging a hybrid war to avenge its rout in the 1971 war against India and terrorism in Kashmir is part of it. Peter Chalk and Christine Fair have quoted Hamid Gul, the former director-general of the ISI, in their December 2002 article, “Lashkar e Tayyiba leads the Kashmir insurgency” in Jane’s Defence Review, as saying:
“We have gained a lot because of our offensive in Kashmir. This is a psychological and political offensive that is designed to make India bleed through a thousand cuts.”
Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan has the blessing of the Pakistan Army, which gives it enormous clout in shaping the country’s India policy more than ever before. So it is doubtful whether international pressure could influence Pakistan to give up its strategic option to use the Kashmir insurgency to bleed India.
So we need to clean up our own act and evolve a holistic strategy beyond the vague and sketchy Kashmir narrative that swings between cosmetic solutions based on political opportunism and expediency and a combat narrative in fits and starts. Unfortunately, the political narrative goes into periodic hibernation, while the combat narrative is largely reactive to the Pakistan Deep State’s actions using terrorism to further its strategy to bleed India.
DISOWNING RESPONSIBILITY

Kashmir politicians have never been serious about doing their bit politically to counter terrorist propaganda. They have always disowned responsibility for the situation in the state.
Typical was the reaction of National Conference chief Farooq Abdullah to the Pulwama attack. He said the common people have no role in the attack. “Such attacks will continue and will not come down till the Kashmir issue is resolved politically. Please don’t beat us. We have no role in it (attack) and we are not with it (terrorism). We want to live with dignity, study and earn our two meals and do not wish to build castles.”
National political consensus is essential for evolving a holistic Kashmir strategy. In a welcome move after the Pulwama attack, Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh called for an all-party meeting to discuss the follow-up action.
Political parties of almost all hues, including the irrepressible Congress president, Rahul Gandhi, curbed their temptation to score brownie points against the Modi government and attended the meeting. They expressed solidarity with security forces fighting terrorism in Kashmir. It showed the potential to build a national consensus on Kashmir.
However, five days after the meeting, the Congress and the BJP seemed to be back in business and doing what they do best—name-calling, using the Pulwama tragedy. And as the country nears a general election, the Kashmir issue and the Pulwama attack will be buried under other bread and butter issues in pre-electoral oration by politicians.
In the meanwhile, rather than waiting for the mythical national consensus on Kashmir to emerge, a few urgent measures need to be taken.
First, create a counter narrative using social media to confront Kashmiri terrorists who are carrying out propaganda to attract and motivate youth to join them.
Secondly, take instant action against politicians and other people who glorify terrorists. The withdrawal of security for 18 Hurriyat leaders and 150 other politicians is a step in the right direction.
Lastly, allow the security forces to do their job  without taking populist actions that block their work.
India should get ready for the long haul now.
The writer is a military intelligence specialist on South Asia, associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Studies Institute