Sunday, 19 August 2018

Of local words and adaptations of British English


Courtesy: Vidura | July-September 2018  http://www.pressinstitute.in/category/vidura/ 

Indians, despite their stodginess in sticking to age-old practices, are quite innovative in their use of English language. Vote bank, desi, paratha, thali, child lifter (rather than kidnapper) and prepone are such innovations that have found space in Oxford English dictionary, the holy grail of the language. Here is Colonel R Hariharan’s rather humourous take

Though we see words such as vote bank, desi, paratha, thali and child lifter in our newspapers, we never notice them because we have become accustomed to them; familiarity breeding content…

During the 1971 war on the eastern front, I shepherded a bunch of foreign media persons who wanted to see some of the captured areas. After trudging through a couple of miles, looking at a few bodies, shot up tank and a bullet ridden train, the night fall was gloomy. I appreciated when one of the resourceful military men with me, took out a bottle of whiskey and passed it round, literally rousing our spirits. An American correspondent based in Delhi chatted with me about life in India and Indian media.

I came to realise our quaint Victorian usages only when he asked me, "Captain, why Indian media always "takes out a procession", when back home we "parade"? Our leaders when they die are not cremated according to our media, but are always "consigned to the flames" just as our army jawans are not killed but martyred. That's not all.

In the 60s we had the irrepressible Gubil Sundaresan from Kumbakonam or VRR Mani from Chromepet "craving the indulgence of the editor of the Hindu" or "seeking the hospitality of your columns" to comment on the "apropos" news item, filling up the letters to the editor column. But pressure of ad space, and ever reducing readers attention span have taken the shine off the letters.

However, political reporting is full of cliches in which our leaders revel. God forbid any upstart sub-editor edits out one of the media-savvy leaders speeches. He will be hauled up on hot coals by the editor, am sure, as it happened to me as a greenhorn sub in PTI in the 70s.

It was the early days of Swantra Party, which Rajaji had formed. Rajaji knew how to use the press to build Swatantra party's political image. Every evening it was open house for journalists at his home and Rajaji would answer any question. I had also attended a few of such sessions.

The following day, he would check how much of what he said was carried by the newspapers. Once, I wielded red pencil rather liberally to trim the copy of Rajaji's daily media interaction - which was full of ideas but which had become cliches by daily repetition. Next day, Rajaji called the PTI office and I happened to take the call.

The conversation went something like this: "Rajagopalachari speaking. I find you have carried only one column of my press meet, whereas I find Hindustan Times has carried two columns...." I just didn't know what to say and the editor took the phone from my hand. He apologised to the octogenarian leader and promised to carry his speeches in full.

After putting down the phone, the editor gave me a dirty look and a dressing down in his heavy Palghat-accented English. "Hariharan, what you think you are? A methavi (all knowing fellow) to edit Rajaji's copy? Is this what they taught you in journalism course? Never touch his copy. We exist, because of leaders like him. You respect them, they respect you. Get that in your thick head," he finished in one breath.

It was like telling me a home truth. I understood the press had a symbiotic relationship with politicians, and needed to respect each other's space with its own invisible lakshman rekha (limit).Today, does the electronic media in its multiple avatars see any such rekha in its competitive quest for instant gratification? Your guess is as good as mine.

[The writer is a retired colonel of the Intelligence Corps.  He writes and speaks on South Asia and its neighbourhood as well as terrorism, the areas of his specialties during the service.]  

Wednesday, 15 August 2018

Tamil Nadu: Big Shoes to Fill


With MK Stalin taking over as DMK chief from Muthuvel Karunanidhi who died last week, an early test of his leadership qualities awaits as he leads the party in the Lok Sabha elections next year without the towering presence of his father for the first time
By Colonel R Hariharan in Chennai | August 12, 2018| India Legal | http://www.indialegallive.com/cover-story-articles/focus/tamil-nadu-big-shoes-to-fill-53022
The passing away of Muthuvel Karunanidhi, 94, last of the leaders groomed in the Dravidian stable of rationalist godfather “Periyar” EV Ramasamy Naicker, leaves a huge void in Tamil Nadu politics. The leader, endearingly called Kalaignar (pronounced kalainyar, meaning gifted scholar) by his party cadres, was a man for all seasons. The rise of “Mu Ka” (his initials in Tamil) as he is known in political circles in the state, from backwoods of Tamil Nadu to the helm of the state as chief minister five times is a testimony to his political leadership and team work skills.
A man gifted with creative ability to write fiction, drama, poetry, political articles and movie scripts, he skilfully blended propaganda in his flowery oratory to build the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). His carefully worded speeches and writings often had a political barb, indicating his mindset.
He followed his mentor CN Annadurai when he founded the DMK in 1949, calling for secession from India to create an independent Dravida Nadu, comprising the four southern states. However, the huge popular support to the government during the 1962 Chinese invasion made the DMK abandon its ideas on secession.
Karunanidhi’s ideological moorings continued to be anchored in the DMK’s credo of social justice which started with a strong anti-Brahmin idiom, federalism and state autonomy. However, Mu Ka carefully tailored his political discourse to suit political needs. His skill in dealing with other parties enabled the DMK to be one of the most successful regional parties that leveraged its strength at the centre. Though he allied with the Congress in 1971, he came out against the Emergency and Mrs Indira Gandhi sent him to jail with his son Stalin. In spite of this, in the 1980 general election, he did not hesitate to ally with the Congress to bounce back in politics.
In a leadership struggle of sorts within the DMK, MG Ramachandran, popular film hero, broke away from the DMK in 1972 to form the All India Anna DMK. He trounced the DMK in the state elections in 1977 and ruled the state for 12 years, marginalising the DMK, and sending its leaders and cadres to political wilderness. Rajiv Gandhi found it useful for the Congress to ally with the AIADMK, particularly in pursuing his muscular policy in Sri Lanka that resulted in sending the Indian Peace Keeping Force to Sri Lanka in 1987.
The DMK came out strongly against Rajiv Gandhi’s Sri Lanka policy, particularly after the Indian forces ended up fighting the Tamil separatists of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).  When he came to power after the death of MGR, Karunanidhi was critical of the Indian force’s actions in Sri Lanka. When the troops returned from the island nation, the chief minister was conspicuous by his absence. It is an irony, to see his mortal remains covered with the tricolour, making its final passage on an army gun carriage to be buried with state honours with the troops firing the gun salute.
The political environment in Tamil Nadu has been in a churn ever since J Jayalalithaa, chief minister, passed away in December 2016.
In her absence, the AIADMK is in a state of disarray, caught in an internal power struggle. A strong faction under TTV Dinakaran has broken away to form the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK), which has the potential to whittle down the AIADMK’s votes. Two “super stars” of Tamil cinema Kamal Haasan and Rajinikanth, with strong fan followings, have announced their decision to enter the political arena and the former has already floated his political party.  So if the DMK can adroitly manage the political alliances in the state in the 2019 parliamentary polls, we can expect it to make a strong showing after its dismal failure to secure a single seat in parliament in 2014.
Karunanidhi will be sorely missed by the DMK and its ally the Congress, and presumably the Mahagathbandhan, as and when it comes through, for his deal-making skills. Internally, Karunanidhi  ensured the elevation of his son Stalin as party president by expelling his elder son and challenger, MK Alagiri from the party two years back. Kanimozhi, Stalin’s half-sister, apparently seems to be reconciled to going along with Stalin as the leader; she would probably continue to act as the DMK’s point woman in New Delhi.
Karunanidhi had groomed Stalin well, putting him through the party activity at various levels during the last three-and-a-half decades. Over the years, Stalin has established his own leadership contacts within the party as well as with the rank and file. So his formal elevation as president of the party is likely to be part of a smooth succession process.
But the moot point is, does Stalin have the leadership skills of his father to lead the DMK to victory? It is evident Stalin lacks the charisma of Karunanidhi. He is no match for Karunanidhi’s legendary oratorical skills. He has not demonstrated his father’s ability to think two jumps ahead in deal-making with other parties, so essential in coalition politics. During his six decades of political career, Karunanidihi had built personal equations with the leaders of many regional as well as national parties. With Karunanidhi dominating the scene so long, it would be unfair to expect Stalin to have such a construct at the personal level.
Since 2009, when Karunanidhi’s health started declining, it was Stalin who had borne the brunt of a number of issues confronting the party—whether it was forming an alliance for the 2011 assembly poll, or dealing with the backlash of allegations of a series of scams at the Centre. Of course, after its dismal failure in the 2011 state elections, the party had regained its 31 percent vote share and performed better in the 2016 assembly elections. But all these elections were contested under the benign watch of Karunanidhi, who presumably cleared Stalin’s decisions. So for Stalin, the 2019 parliamentary election is likely to be a trial by fire of sorts,  that will test his leadership ability without his father watching over his shoulder.
His detractors within the party at the moment seem to be few. However, a less than impressive performance in 2019 would probably increase the possibility of a challenger emerging.
At the national level, Stalin is likely to strengthen his links with leaders of other parties in the run-up to the 2019 elections, if and when a joint opposition front emerges. So his role in that process is likely to be played by the ear, based on his experience at the feet of Kalaignar.

Friday, 3 August 2018

Sri Lanka Perspectives: July 2018


Col R Hariharan | 31-7-2018 |
Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, August 2018 | www.security-risks.com

 PTA and culture of impunity

Colombo High Court acquitted on May 26, 2017 Iyer Sriskandarajah, a Hindu priest,  charged with aiding and abetting the suicide bomb attack on former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa in a Colombo suburb on December 1, 2006 that left three dead including the suicide bomber. The court verdict came after it found the confession by Iyer was not made voluntarily and the state counsel was unable to submit any other evidence. But the acquittal came after the priest had spent nearly 13 years in remand custody. An aside to the suicide bombing case was the allegation of former Sri Lanka army chief Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka made in parliament on May 2016 that it was an “inside job” to win sympathy for the then-ruling family (Rajapaksas).
The callousness with which the case under Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was handled is neither unique nor uncommon. According to the statistics on PTA arrests provided by the Office of the Attorney General to the UN Special Rapporteur on Countering Terrorism Ben Emmerson, “out of 81 prisoners at the time of judicial phase of their pretrial detention, 70 had been in detention without trial for five years and 11 had been in detention without trial for over ten years.”
The UN Special Rapporteur in his report to the UN Human Rights Council, after a recent visit to Sri Lanka, has also focused on PTA pre-trial detainees languishing in prison for years without being tried for an offence. Highlighting the continuing “culture of impunity” in the country’s justice system, Emmerson has given the serious apprehensions of the senior most judge responsible for terrorism cases. The judge said that in over 90 percent of the cases so far in 2017, he was forced to exclude essential evidence because they had been obtained through the use or threat of violence.  Emmerson’s report noted that 80 percent of those arrested under the PTA in late 2016 complained of torture and physical ill treatment.

The report only confirms that though the Maithripala Sirisena government came to power promising Yahapalana (good governance), it had not been able to tame the draconian PTA which continues to be in force, with the proposed Counter Terrorism Act (CTA) still limping in draft stage. Similarly, remand prisoners languishing without trial shows that it is a continuing historical aberration that reflects the abysmal level of rule of law and subversion of justice system.

 

If you can’t win them, buy them


Even before the heat died down after the New York Times report on June 25, 2018 about China’s financial support to Mahinda Rajapaksa’s campaign during 2015 presidential election, Chinese have announced “gift” of $295 million (SL Rs 48 billion) to Sri Lanka for spending on a project of its choosing. President Sirisena said the money would be spent on a countrywide housing programme for building houses in all administrative districts at a cost of SL Rs one million per house. It is significant that the Chinese grant has been made when Sri Lanka is poised to hold provincial council elections. Clearly, this grant would appear to be part of China’s strategy – ‘if you can’t win them buy them.’ Work on the construction of another ‘gift’ from China – the 200-bed National Nephrology Hospital - in Polonnaruwa has also started.

Equally significant was the announcement of China gifting a frigate to Sri Lanka Navy. Already, PLA has been offering training courses to Sri Lanka military. It is also completing an auditorium at the Kotelawala Defence Academy.

On the other hand, it was evident that Sri Lanka government was trying to balance its relations with India also. A proposal to develop the loss-making Mattala international airport as a joint venture with Airports Authority of India (AAI) is underway. Civil Aviation Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva said 70 percent stake of the joint stock company to be formed for the operation of the airport would go to AAI and 30 percent to the Sri Lanka government. Speaking in parliament, the minister promised to present the draft agreement with AAI before signing it.



The preconditions for the partnership included AAI agreeing with the Government chief valuer’s estimation for 70 percent pwnership and use of the airport  only for commercial purposes and not for any military use. Only locals  and not foreigners can be involved in air navigation work. The airport security must be handled by the air force and airport staff. 

In the context of the growing international competition for influence in Sri Lanka, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s speech at the Bandaranaike International Diplomatic Training Institute on July 13 is significant. He said the Indian Ocean was in danger of becoming a major centre of tension again. “China its strategic vulnerability in the Indian Ocean, has sought means of reducing it.” Different projects have come as the result of China challenging the US in the Pacific; the US does not want to see a Chinese expansion in Indian Ocean. 

He added that India, the strongest power among the littoral nations, would not welcome a change in status quo. And Japan is committed to free maritime movement in the Indian Ocean as well as the Pacific.  He said that if a power struggle broke out in the Indian Ocean, it could adversely affect Sri Lanka’s objective of becoming the hub of the Indian Ocean. “A destabilized Indian Ocean is averse to our economic interest. Stability and growth in the Indian Ocean will further our own national growth.” He said Sri Lanka has to charter a course for itself, as the littoral states ran the risk of becoming spectators with no control.

He also referred to the Hambantota harbour and said “the Southern command itself is shifting from Galle to Hambantota. We have asked the Navy to have more emphasis on anti-submarine warfare, within our capability. We are increasing the number of offshore patrol vessels.” He assured “we will ensure that we can maintain the security of the Hambantota harbour.” He said the immediate objective was to arrive a consensus among all stakeholders including all the littoral states, on the manner of upholding the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). 

Appealing to all parties to agree on the principles, he said “all we are seeking to do is to get everyone to talk of the possibilities of how we move forward.” The PM’s policy speech on Indian Ocean clearly indicates Sri Lanka’s growing concerns at the country becoming the focus of Indian Ocean rivalry among big powers.

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com  Blog: http://col.hariharan.info


Thursday, 26 July 2018

கேள்வி-பதில்; இந்திய-சீனா இழுபறியில் தவிக்கும் இலங்கை & இந்தியாவும் கோத்தபாயவும்

கர்னல் ஹரிஹரன்

கேள்வி; தற்போது அம்பாந்தோட்டை மாவட்டத்தில் துறைமுகம் சீனாவுக்கு வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ள நிலையில் அங்கு தீவொன்றின் உரிமையை சீனா கொண்டுள்ளது தொடர்பில் சர்ச்சைகள் நிகழ்கின்றது. அத்துடன் பிரதமர் ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்க நீர்மூழ்கி கப்பல்களை கண்காணிப்பதற்கு விசேட நடவடிக்கைகள் எடுக்கப்பட உள்ளதாக கூறியுள்ளார். அதேநேரம் மத்தள விமான நிலையத்தினை இந்தியாவுக்கு வழங்குவதற்குரிய நடவடிக்கைகள் இறுதிக் கட்டத்தினை அடைந்துள்ளன. மேலும் இந்த மாவட்டத்தில் ஹைவே ஒன்றை அமைப்பதற்காக யப்பானுடன் ஒப்பந்தம் செய்யப்படுகின்றது. இதனால் மூன்று நாடுகளுக்கிடையில் இராஜதந்திர போட்டி ஏற்படும் என விமர்ச்சிக்கப்படுகின்றது. இது சம்பந்தமாக தங்களின் பார்வையை பகிர்ந்து கொள்ள முடியுமா? 

பதில்; தங்கள் கேள்வியில் மூன்று நிகழ்வுகளின் தாக்கங்கள் தென்படுகின்றன. ஆகவே அவற்றை முதலில் தனித்தனியாக நோக்கிய பிறகுதான் அவற்றின் ஒன்று சேர்ந்த தாக்கத்தை நாம் புரிந்து கொள்ள முடியும்.

முதலாவது சீனாவுக்கு அம்பந்தோட்டை மாவட்டத்தில் துறைமுகத்தின் தீவொன்றில் சீனாவுக்கு வழங்கப்பட்ட உரிமை. இது ஏற்கனவே சீனாவுக்கு துறைமுகத்திலும் அதைச்சார்ந்த பகுதிகளிலும் அளிக்கப் பட்டுள்ள 99 ஆண்டு ஆளுமை உரிமையின் விளைவே ஆகும். போகப்போக அங்கே இலங்கை அரசின் ஆளுமை பெயரளவில் இருந்தாலும் கொஞ்சம் கொஞ்சமாக சீனாவின் ஆதிக்கம் ஓங்கும் என்பதின் சந்தேகம் இல்லை. பிரதமர் விக்ரமசிங்க சீன நீர்மூழ்கிக் கப்பல்களைப் பற்றி குறிப்பிட்டிருப்பது இந்தியப் பெருங்கடலில் சீன ஊடுருவலுக்கு அம்பந்தோட்டை துறைமுகம் எவ்வாறு உதவக்கூடும் என்ற அமெரிக்காவின் கவலைக்கான பதிலாகும். ஆனால் இலங்கை கடற்படை கடலோரத்தை ஒட்டிய பாதுகாப்புக்கே தகுதி வாய்ந்ததாகும். ஆகவே அது எந்த அளவில் நீர்மூழ்கிகளின் கண்காணிப்பை செயாலாக்க முடியும் என்பது கேள்விக் குறியே.

மத்தள விமான நிலையத்தை இந்திய நிர்வாகத்திற்கு ஒப்படைப்பது அதை லாபகரமாக நடத்துவதற்கான வியாபர விரிவாக்கம் என்று கூறலாம். இருந்தாலும் இது இலங்கை அரசு தனது இந்திய உறவில் சீனாவுடன் வளர்ந்து வரும் நெருங்கிய உறவின் தாக்கத்தை ஓரளவு சமநிலைப் படுத்த உதவும் முயற்சி என்று கருதுகிறேன். இந்தியா அம்பந்தோட்டவின் அண்மையில் மத்தளவில் பிரவேசிப்பது அதற்கு கால்பதிக்க உதவும் என்று சீனா கருதும். ஆனால் அது இந்தியா எவ்வாறு மத்தள விமான நிலையை உபயோகிக்கும் என்பதைப் பொருத்தது. அதுபோல ஐப்பானுடனான ஹைவே கட்டுமான ஒப்பந்தமும் பிரதமர் ரனில் இலங்கை முழுமையாக சீனாவின் பொருளாதாரப் பிடிப்பில் இல்ல என்று உலகுக்குக் எடுத்துக் காட்டும் ஒரு முயற்சி என்றே தோன்றுகிறது.

ஆக இந்த நிகழ்வுகளை ஒட்டு மொத்தமாகப் பார்த்தால் இலங்கையில் வலுத்துவரும் சீனப் பிரவேசத்தின் விளைவாக  இலங்கையின் நட்பு நாடுகளான இந்தியா, ஜப்பான், அமெரிக்கா ஏனைய மேற்கு நாடுகளிடையே இந்தியப் பெருங்கடலின் பாதுகாப்பைப் பற்றிய கரிசனத்தின் அதிகரிப்பைக் காட்டுகின்றது. அவற்றை அந்நாடுகளின் ராஜதந்திர வெளியீடு என்று கருதலாம் ஆகவே இலங்கையில் சீனாவின் ஆளுமை தொடர்ந்து வளர்ந்து வரும் சூழ்நிலையில், இலங்கை அரசு தனது சீன உறவை மற்ற நேச நாடுகளுடன் சமநிலைப்படுத்தக் கடினமாக செயல்படும் என எதிர்பார்க்கலாம்.

கேள்வி; அத்துடன் கோத்தபாய ராஜபக்ஸ ஜனாதிபதி வேட்பாளராக களமிறங்குவது தொடர்பாக மீண்டும் இராணுவ அல்லது சர்வாதிகார ஆட்சி ஏற்படும் என்றும் விமர்ச்சிக்கப்படுகின்றமை தொடர்பாக தங்களின் நிலைப்பாடு என்ன? இந்தியா இதில் எத்தகைய நிலைப்பாட்டினை எடுக்கும் எனக் கருதுகின்றீர்கள்?

இந்தக் கேள்வியை நான் நடுநிலையுடன் பதலளிக்க முனைகிறேன். ஏனெனில், இலங்கையை ஜனநாயகப் பாதையிலிருந்து மாற்றி எளிதாக ராணுவ ஆட்சி கைப்பற்ற முடியும் என்ற கூற்றில் எனக்கு நம்பிக்கை இல்லை. கோத்தபாய கடந்த காலத்தில் அவ்வாறு செய்யவில்லை. ஆகவே நீங்கள் ‘மீண்டும்’ ராணுவ ஆட்சி என்று கேள்வியில்  குறிப்பிட்டிருப்பது உண்மைக்கு புறம்பானதாகும்.

அதே நேரத்தில் விடுதலைப் புலிகளை எதிர்த்து நடந்த நாலாவது ஈழப்போரின் போது, எமெர்ஜென்சி அறிவிக்கப்பட்ட காலத்தில் ராணுவத்தின் கை ஓங்கியிருந்ததும், பயங்கர வாதச்சட்டத்தை ஆட்சியினர் துஷ்பிரயோகம் செய்து மனித உரிமையை மதிக்காமல் செயல்பட்டதும் உண்மையே. அந்த காலத்தில் நிகழ்ந்த மனித உரிமை மீறல்களின் விளைவே ராஜபக்ச மீண்டும் பதவியில் வரதாபடி பெரும்பான்மை மக்கள் தேர்தலில் அவருக்கு எதிராக வாக்குரிமையை பிரயோகித்தார்கள். மைத்ரிபால அரசு பதவிக்கு வந்து மூன்றாண்டுகளுக்கு மேல் ஆனாலும் குற்றம் செய்தவர்களை தண்டிக்காமல் செயல்படுவது அதன் செயல்பாட்டின் குறையே ஆகும்.

அவ்வாறு அரசு தொடர்ந்து மெத்தனம் காட்டுவது ஏன்? போர்க்குற்றங்களுக்காக ராணுவத் தலைவர்கள் மீது வழக்குப் போட்டால் அதன் எதிர்மறை விளைவுகள் ராணுவத்தினுள்ளேயும், பொது மக்களிடையேயும் தோன்றக்கூடும் என்ற அச்சம் ஒரு காரணமாக இருக்கலாம். மைத்ரி-ரனில் அரசுக்கு அதன் அரசியல் ரீதியான் பக்க விளைவுகளைப் பற்றிய அச்சமும் இருக்கலாம்.

கோத்தபாய ராஜபக்ச அல்லது எந்த மாற்றுத் தலைவரோ அடுத்த பொதுத்தேர்தலில் ஜனநாயக முறையில் மக்களால் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்டு அரசமைத்தால் அதை இந்தியா கட்டாயம் வரவேற்கும். மீண்டும் ராஜபக்ச குடும்பத்தினர் பதவிக்கு வந்தால், அவர்கள் செயல்பாடும் இந்தியா-இலங்கை உறவின் அரசியல் முக்கியத்துவத்தை மனதில் கொண்டே செயல்படுவார்கள் என்று நினைக்கிறேன். அவ்வாறுதான் கடந்தகாலத்தில் ராஜபக்சே ஓரளவு செயல்பட முயற்சிப்பதாக சொல்லிக் கொண்டார்.

ராஜபக்ச தலைமை தேர்தலில் பெரும்பான்மை இடங்களில் வெற்றி பெற்றால் சர்வாதிகார அரசை அமைக்க கட்டாயம் இருப்பதாகத் தோன்றவில்லை. கடந்த காலத்தில் நடந்த விடுதலைப் புலிகளுடனான போர், ராஜபக்ச ராணுவத்தைப் பெருமளவில் உபயோகிக்க முக்கிய காரணியாக இருந்தது. தற்போது அத்தகைய சூழ்நிலை இல்லை. அது உருவாக வாய்ப்பு இருப்பதாகத் தோன்றவில்லை. மேலும் சர்வாதிகார ஆட்சி அமைத்தால், அதை மக்கள் மவுனம் காத்து அனுமதிப்பார்களா? கட்டாயம் எதிர்ப்பார்கள்.

இலங்கையில் சர்வாதிகார ஆட்சி அமைக்கப்பட்டால் இந்தியா கட்டாயம் அதை வரவேற்காது. மாலத்தீவில் நடந்து வரும் எதேச்சாதிகார விடயத்தில் இந்தியா எடுத்துள்ள எதிர் நிலையே இதற்கு ஒரு உதாரணமாகும். இந்தியா மாலத்தீவில் எடுத்த இந்த நிலைப்பாடு இலங்கையில் சர்வாதிகார அரசு அமைக்க ஒரு பெரும் தடையாய் இருக்கக் கூடும்.


Wednesday, 18 July 2018

Gandhian dilemma in military leadership




by Col R HARIHARAN | GFiles | July 2018 | Governance |  Leadership

http://www.gfilesindia.com/gandhian-dilemma-in-military-leadership/ 


Mahatma-Gandhi


Can the Gandhian way of handling crisis situations help in running an army unit?

I may be laughed out even before I answer the question. However, I grew up in a family conditioned by Gandhian thoughts, when my father-a small town doctor-actively took part in the freedom struggle and was even imprisoned. I carried some of the Gandhian ideas and values when I served for nearly three decades in the army. I found some of his ideas useful in handling tricky situations that confronts a military leader. Before I recount my experience in applying Gandhian ideas, a bit about the man revered as Mahatma.

Though many consider Gandhi a pacifist, he did not think so. Addressing a gathering at Geneva in 1931 Gandhiji said “I regard myself as a soldier, though a soldier of peace.” Gandhi applied quite a few principles of war in executing his political campaigns. These included selection and maintenance of aim, flexibility, economy of effort and coordination and cooperation.
He planned centrally and decentralised execution. His leadership style was similar to what is taught in military training schools. Gandhi led from the front, the way a military commander should, even in the face of adversity. His leadership, akin to the military leader’s, was built on adherence to goals, clear communication of objectives, flexibility of approach and constantly monitoring progress.
Though his approach was based on doctrines, he was not doctrinaire in execution. He inspired his followers by example rather than by use of force. And his coercive persuasion skills were as effective as a military man’s strategic encirclement.
Many people think military officers run their units with the summary powers available to them under the Army Act. Team play is the core strength of army, which makes it impossible for a commanding officer to run the unit with the help of only the Army Act. He requires situational management skills to run a military unit. Every soldier is taught to fight to survive, has access to the gun and he knows how to use it. This makes it risky if a CO chooses to be ruthless or autocratic, going by the book alone.
Commanding a military intelligence unit is a little trickier, because some of the men consider themselves ‘over smart’, better educated than the average soldier and are exposed to unsavoury elements of society in the course of their work. During my over two-and-a-half decades of service in MI, I discovered some of them can quote army orders and army rules line and verse to serve their ends.
A study of Gandhi’s life reveals how he introspected everyday on his actions and tried to correct himself to overcome his weaknesses. This is one trait I had tried to imbibe; it stood me in good stead in handling situations where I faced moral and ethical dilemmas. There were many such challenges in my experience. But as intelligence work is shrouded in secrecy, I have chosen two ordinary situations in an intelligence unit. These explain how Gandhian intervention in the thought process helped to resolve internal and external leadership dilemmas.
Gandhi led from the front, the way a military commander should, even in the face of adversity. His leadership, akin to military leaders was built on adherence to goals, clear communication of objectives, flexibility of approach and constantly monitoring progress

While commanding an intelligence unit in the North-East, we had a quarter master havildar (QMH), a storekeeper in civilian terms. The QMH is a recognition of an NCO’s seniority and performance; I found CQMH Natha Singh (name changed) very poor in his job. I gave him an adverse annual confidential report (ACR) and did not recommend him for promotion. I explained to him why I have done so. Natha Singh took it stoically.
THEN probably, my ego as the commanding officer went on an overdrive; I transferred him to a difficult post on Burma border, which had never produced any worthwhile results. But I was pleasantly shocked when Natha Singh produced excellent results. I felt guilty for giving an adverse report though he was excellent in his primary job as an intelligence gatherer. I wanted to retract my earlier ACR but the Intelligence Corps records said that there was no provision for it.

I took up the case with command headquarters, which came up with the same reply. I wrote to the Adjutant General’s Branch in Army Headquarters, which insisted the rules were inflexible on NCOs ACR. I called the Major, who dealt with the subject at Army Headquarters. When I appealed to him to do something, he said there was a provision for initiating a special confidential report for NCOs serving in operational areas.If I really wanted to help the NCO I could initiate such a report, which carried more weightage. I immediately did so and mentioned in the report how the NCO was wrongly assessed earlier. The whole process took eight months.

After that, for the next seven years, I never came across Natha Singh. While serving in MI directorate in Army Headquarters, Natha Singh walked into my office. He was now a junior commissioned officer and his beard had turned grey. He beamed at me and said “Sabji, I have retired. Before retirement I went to our records to go through my dossier. There I found the copies of your letters, eight of them to ensure that the damage done by the adverse ACR you gave me was neutralised. In fact, I had no clue of storekeeping and I thought you were right in reporting it. But thanks to your persistence and glowing special operational report, I got a foreign posting and I am going home, a little rich, but with a lot of satisfaction. I wanted to thank you on my way home to Jammu.”

I was overjoyed. I shook hands and offered him a cup of tea. “Sabji, can I ask you something? Why did you bother about my career, even I felt I did not deserve any better?” I though it over a while. In the end I realised it was the Gandhian value at work inside me. I replied him, “It was Gandhiji at work inside me.” He looked at me a little puzzled; he probably thought the Sabji was going a little bonkers at fifty.
Even in day-to-day unit management, Gandhi came in handy. Intelligence units are full of NCOs, who are not to be employed in manual labour. But for unit maintenance, we had no option but to use them in odd jobs requiring manual skills. Two NCOs—both of them good soldiers—were marched up before me by the senior JCO for disobeying orders to clean up an abandoned soakage pit in the unit area. After the chargesheet was read, I asked the NCOs what they had to say in defence. They said as per army rules, NCOs should not be employed on manual labour, so they refused to do it. And they were right. I was little puzzled on how to handle the tricky defence. I put myself in Gandhi’s shoes and then asked the two NCOs to go and get three shovels. They brought them, as the JCO looked on with no clue on what was happening.
I explained to the NCOs the unit had only two sepoys and so NCOs had to do some of the manual work. As they would not do so as per rule, I said I was going to do the shoveling of the soakage pit, “because somebody had to do it.” They were shocked. “Sir, you should not do it. You are the CO,” they picked up the shovels to do the job.

I stopped them for a moment. “I am glad you have decided not to go by the book. By the same book, I am punishing you for disobeying a senior’s order with three extra duties,” I said. It defuseda potential crisis situation. I got into a bit of trouble for the unorthodox way of handling the episode during my annual inspection. Even that ended happily when I explained to the divisional commander the peculiar problem of manual labour faced by intelligence units.
Gandhi successfully practiced participatory management, driven by ethical and moral considerations without sacrificing goal orientation. That is why he is still remembered. 
Col. R Hariharan is a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia. He is associated with the South Asia Analysis Group, the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com Blog: http://col.hariharan.info


Monday, 9 July 2018

India-China Yin Yang in Tibet



The latest military drill conducted by China in Tibet was probably a reminder to India that the subtext of the military situation in Doklam remains a potent point of confrontation
By Col R Hariharan | Opinion on news | Courtesy: India Legal, July 8, 2018    http://www.indialegallive.com/viewpoint/india-china-yin-yang-tibet-51396



China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) conducted a military drill in Southwest Tibet on June 25 to test civilian-military integration and logistic support in high altitudes. Beyond the military dimensions of the exercise, it has connotations on India-China relations and on Presi­dent Xi Jinping’s process of consolidating his power through civil-military integration. In terms of India-China binary, the exercise comes in the wake of Wuhan summit in April when PM Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping  had agreed to build a future relationship based “upon mutual respect for each other’s developmental aspirations and prudent management of differences with mutual sensitivity”.
But the tabloid Global Times’ report on the military drill did not reflect the Wuhan spirit. It referred to China’s victory in the 1962 war against India. It quoted Song Zhongping, a military expert, to say that in the 1962 conflict, “China failed to protect its fruits of victory due to poor logistics support” because the biggest challenge of battle at the high altitude was to provide sustainable logistics and armament support. The twin problems of long logistic lines and operating in high altitude continue to play in their minds of PLA as they affected the Chinese troops in their 72-day long confrontation with Indian army last year at Doklam on the India-Bhutan-China trijunction.
In the midst of the Doklam confrontation in August 2017, PLA conducted live fire exercises at an altitude of 5,000 metres in Tibet which was given wide publicity in Chinese media. The aim of the exercise was “to test its strike capability on plateaus” and improve combat capability.
A combat brigade of PLA Tibet Regional Command conducted exercises in rapid deployment, multi-unit joint strike and anti-aircraft defence, according to a PLA press release. The CCTV also broadcasted the military drill to reassure the public about the combat readiness of its troops. The South China Morning Post, quoting a Beijing based military commander Zhou Chenming, said, “The PLA wanted to demonstrate it could easily overpower its Indian counterparts.” The newspaper said the Chinese force that took part in the drill was stationed in the Lizhi region of eastern Tibet, close to Doklam. The Chinese troops also featured a new light tank with “strong firepower, advanced armour and good mobility” suited for deployment on Tibetan plateau.
The latest exercise in Tibet is probably to remind India that the subtext of the military situation in Doklam remains as a potent point of confrontation. On the other hand, a Twitter clip showing Chinese and Indian troops celebrating the International Yoga Day together on June 21, 2018, is symbolic of the efforts of the leaders of both countries to get out of the frostiness that crept in their relations post Doklam.
The yin and yang of India-China relations post Doklam standoff was evident at a recent seminar titled “Beyond Wuhan: How far and fast can China-India relations go” organised jointly by the Chinese embassy at New Delhi. Chi­nese ambassador to New Delhi Luo Zhao­hui in the keynote address said (cautioned?), “We cannot stand another Doklam; we need to control, manage, narrow differences through expanding cooperation. The boundary question was left over by history. We need to find a mutually acceptable solution through special representatives.”
The ambassador said in a loaded statement “security cooperation is one of the pillars of the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation). Some Indian friends suggested that China, India and Pakistan may have some kind of trilateral cooperation under the SCO. So, if China, Russia and Mongolia can have a trilateral summit, then why not India, China and Pakistan?” Though the am­bas­sador did not mention Kashmir issue or Chinese mediation, it triggered speculation about China trying to find a me­diatory role in India-Pakistan disputes.
The latest military drill in Tibet also has an internal dimension. It is in keeping with the decision of the President Xi-led Communist Party of China Central Committee in January 2017 to establish a new agency to integrate the country’s military and civilian setups.
Zhang Wenlong, the head of command logistics, commenting on the latest military drill, said it was aimed to explore a new mode of military-civil integration in the plateau following the reshuffle of the military system. During the drill, a local petroleum company supplied fuel immediately to an armored unit while the city government of Lhasa delivered food to soldiers after a day of mock battle. The exercise is only a part of the PLA conducting drills at home and abroad in keeping with the injunctions of President Xi. These drills involve PLA’s ground forces, navy, air force, rocket force and armed police.
However, the Doklam experience seems to have left an indelible imprint on the Chinese military mind. According to PLA Daily, China’s most advanced aircraft including J-20 stealth fighters, Y-20 transport aircraft, J-10C fighters are practising beyond-visual range air combat at unspecified airports on a “plateau region”—an obvious reference to the Tibetan plateau bordering India. Obviously, China is getting ready to ensure no more “Doklam” takes place.
Territorial disputes continue to be a major, recurring irritant in India-China relations, though both of them have their own baggage of other allergic issues. China’s allergies include the status of Taiwan, the Dalai Lama and Tibet’s autonomy and its human rights standards. Issues such as the Kashmir imbroglio, India-Pakistan relations and Pakistan sponsored terrorist threat are a few issues that touch India’s raw nerve.
At the Wuhan summit, leaders of the “two major countries” in Asia spelled out their common perspective—domestically, regionally and globally. They said “both sides have the maturity and wisdom to handle the differences through peaceful discussion and by respecting each other’s concerns and aspirations”.  To go beyond the lofty aspirational level, both countries have lot of ground to cover. One thing is clear: both nations are cautiously moving forward, hoping to overcome their differences through small steps. As Lao Tzu said, “A journey of a thousand miles starts with one small step.”                                                                                                                              The writer is a military intelligence specialist on South Asia





Wednesday, 4 July 2018

Sri Lanka Perspectives: June 2018


Col R Hariharan | 30-6-2018 |
Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, July 2018 | www.security-risks.com

Gotabaya for presidential poll

Former president Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) appears to be getting ready for an early presidential poll in 2019, amidst reports that President Maithripala Sirisena might call for an early election though they are due in 2020. There had been a few reports of the SLPP fielding Gotabaya Rajapaksa, former defence secretary and brother of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, as its presidential candidate. Some political leaders have already voiced their support to him for the post. 

The issue came up again in the media when the outgoing US Ambassador Atul Keshap made a courtesy call on Mahinda Rajapaksa at his residence in Colombo.  The Jaffna Tamil daily Kalaikkathir quoted sources close to the former president that the ambassador told Rajapaksa that neither the US government nor Western powers would welcome Gotabaya as a presidential candidate. While the US embassy’s was non-committal saying the meeting was a private one, Mahinda Rajapaksa vehemently denied the report.

In a telephone interview to Ceylon Today, Rajapaksa said that in his personal conversation the US ambassador had not made any mention of his brother Gotabaya or his suitability as a presidential candidate. When he was asked about “an intra-family tussle between his brothers Gotabaya and Basil over the possible presidential candidate, he said it was not true. ‘What Basil had effectively said was that he would support any candidate the SLPP nominates as the Presidential candidate.’”

Gotabaya is the preferred choice of Sinhala nationalist segment and sections of Buddhist clergy for next president. This was evident when Endaruwe Upali Thero, the deputy chief prelate of the Asgiriya chapter, in his sermon (anusasana) on Gotabaya’s the 69th birthday at his house, said that he should opt for military rule if that was necessary to build the country. According to a report in Colombo Telegraph the Thero noted that Gotabaya was referred as a Hitler and suggested that if that was the case he should be one and build the nation. “What we need is a leadership that has the blessings of Mahinda Rajapaksa and is linked with Buddhism, the Buddhist Order and the Sinhalese. We can see that the law has completely broken down. We need a leader who shows fidelity to the doctrine,” he added.

All the Rajapaksa brothers and the 16 SLFP MPs who voted for the no confidence motion against PM Wickremesinghe, were present on the occasion. This would indicate the shape of SLPP presidential campaign strongly supported by the Buddhist clergy and the muscle of Sinhala nationalist segment, when Gotabaya is fielded as the SLPP candidate. 

However, Gotabaya, a US citizen holding dual citizenship, will have to renounce his US citizenship to be eligible to contest the presidential election. The 19th amendment to the constitution, expressly forbids dual citizenship holders from contesting elections. On this basis, the Supreme Court had forced Geetha Kumarasinghe, a Swiss citizen holding dual citizenship, had to relinquish her parliamentary seat. 

However, Gotabaya speaking in another context as early as June 5, 2015 had said that he had already taken measures to cancel his dual nationality. “I have already handed over the relevant documents to the US embassy in this regard,” he added. It is not known whether the process is through.

Chinese financial support in presidential election

Chinese support to Gotabaya’s ascent as president can be expected, if we go by China’s  financial support to Mahinda Rajapaksa’s campaign during 2015 presidential election through Chinese companies. Details of these transactions are contained in an investigative article on the controversial Hambantota port project in the New York Times June 25, 2018 issue. The article “How China Got Sri Lanka to Cough Up a Port” by Maria Habi-Abib lays bare how China not only dictated terms utilizing Sri Lanka’s need for financing the Hambantota port and other development projects not only to benefit Chinese state owned companies, but also  to further China’s strategic interests to gain a strategic foothold in Sri Lanka. Mahinda Rajapaksa played an important role in furthering Chinese strategy.

The report gives details of how China corrupted the electoral process to ensure President Rajapaksa was elected in 2015 election. The internal investigation reports give details of China Harbor’s bank account which “dispensed” at least $7.6 million to affiliates of Rajapaksa.  It said ten days before the polls, $3.7 million was distributed in cheques to buy gifts including saris for supporters, print campaign promotional material, paying $38000 to a “popular Buddhist monk” and volunteers. The report said most of the payments were made from China Harbor’s sub account named “HPDP Phase 2” acronym for Hambantota Port Development Project. 

The NY Times report only confirms what had been appearing in bits and pieces in Sri Lanka media during the last four years. However, much to the embarrassment of the Maithripala-Ranil government, which had promised to bring the corrupt to book, investigations have dragged on while members of Rajapaksa clan continue to be politically powerful entities. This was evident in the reply of Minister Lakshman Kiriella to a media query on the NY Times report. He said the foreign minister had officially “inquired” United Arab Emirates (UAE) whether funds received by Mahinda Rajapaksa from China had been deposited there.

After Rajapaksa’s defeat, when the Maithripala Sirisna government was saddled with the burden of making payments for the debt that kept accumulating as Hambantota port proved unviable. It was left with no option but to negotiate with the Chinese. After months of negotiations, in December 2017, the government handed over the port and 15000 acres of land around it for 99 years to the Chinese set off nearly $1 billion dollars of the loan. However, the debt servicing burden continues to be a drag on the country’s economy. This has provided further opportunities for the Chinese to become favoured lenders.

The transfer of the port has given China a strategic foothold on Sri Lankan coast dominating the critical merchant marine and military sea lanes of Indian Ocean. There is little space for the present Sri Lanka government to get out of the Chinese debt trap, however much it may like to. This has enabled China to further firm in Sri Lanka by gaining lucrative contracts to Chinese companies on its own terms, through opaque process. 

For instance, the Resettlement ministry has awarded a contract to China Railway Beijing Engineering Group Co Ltd and its representative Yapka Construction Pvt Ltd to build 40,000 prefabricated houses in the North East without going through the tender process. According to Sunday Times report India has expressed its concern at the whole process of awarding the contract to a company with no record of construction in in the North and East increasing India’s concerns.

The Sirisena government has repeatedly tried to reassure India on its national security concerns. The latest is Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe office clarifying that Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) would be in charge of Hambantota  port security. SLN was moving its Southern Command to Hmabantota. It added that Sri Lanka had also informed the Chinese that Hambantota cannot be used for military purposes. But in times of strategic necessity, Chinese are unlikely to read such fine print.

India has to recast its foreign relations and security calculus factoring China’s increasing overt and covert influence in Sri Lanka’s politics, economy and security space. With China increasing its hold on Maldives, at the cost of India, Indian dominance of the Indian Ocean region is likely to face bigger challenges in the near future.  

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com  Blog: http://col.hariharan.info