Sri Lanka: Unfinished history of July

Col R Hariharan

Sri Lanka Perspectives July 2025 | South Asia Security Trends, August 2025 | https://www.security-risks.com    

The month of July is remembered in Sri Lanka for many eventful things that changed the course of history. But two events - the Black July Pogrom carried out on July 23, 1983 and the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord (ISLA) signed between President JR Jayawardane and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on July 29, 1987, stand out among them.  Both the events have a ‘Cause and Effect’ relationship as Tamil refugees fleeing the Black July Pogrom in thousands to Tamil Nadu resulted in India taking serious interest in Sri Lanka Tamils identity struggle that led to ISLA. Their quest to save Tamil identity, language and traditional habitation, resulted in ISLA. It still continues to be the core of Tami politics in Sri Lanka.   

Sri Lanka Tamil refugee’s plight also gained the Tamil cause a perpetual place in Tamil Nadu politics, till the LTTE mindlessly assassinated former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi four years later. Now, it has been reduced to influence only around ten percent of the voters in Tamil Nadu.

The Black July pogrom carried out by Sinhala goons with official connivance marked the transition of Tamil minority’s political struggle to get their equitable rights to armed insurgency for Eelam, a separate homeland. Sinhala mobs egged on by their leaders torched Tamil houses and business in Colombo and elsewhere.   At least 150,000 Tamils were rendered homeless and as many as 200,000 of them fled the island nation. Over a time, 800,000 Sri Lankan Tamils settled abroad in Canada, the UK, Australia and Europe. The Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora had a profound impact on Tamil communities globally to sustain the political and armed struggle for Eelam, a separate homeland for Sri Lankan Tamils. Diminishing number of diaspora Tamil organisations using the name of Velupillai Prabhakaran and the symbols of LTTTE, still carry the torch for Eelam. However, Eelam cause seems to have lost the magic to mainstream Tamil population after two generations of them sacrificed everything in the Eelam wars.

Though the Eelam War ended a decade and a half ago, it has scarred three generations of Sri Lankan Tamils, Sinhalas and Muslims. It still continues to influence internal politics, and to a lesser extent Sri Lanka’s international politics. It continues to colour Sri Lanka’s relations with India, which has an influential Tamil population.  

The ISLA enabled Tamil minority to gain limited autonomy with the creation of provincial councils after 13^th Amendment to the constitution was passed in November 1987. The Amendment gave powers of self-governance to the Councils on education, agriculture, health and housing. However, powers over land and policing were not devolved to the Councils. Tamils have been insisting on devolving these powers and successive Sri Lanka governments have tried to avoid it by using various political strategies. This has created a crisis of confidence among Tamils, whenever the question of a solution for ethnic reconciliation is raised. Successive Indian prime ministers including PM Narendra Modi have been raising this issue in their official meetings with their Sri Lankan counterparts.

Sri Lanka probably lost around 300,000 people of all hues (including around 170,000 civilians “disappeared” according to International Truth and Justice Project) in two and half decades of civil war. Successive Sri Lanka governments, particularly after the LTTE’s defeat in 2009, have been grappling with political fallout of the ethnic war both internally as well as externally.

Tamil minorities at home are still aggrieved over unaccounted deaths and disappearances, every time a mass grave is unearthed. Chemmani, the latest mass grave, has yielded more than 90 skeletons. As Pitsanna Shanmugathas writes in  www.jurist.org “The grim findings at Chemmani have reignited global attention on one of the world’s most severe cases of unresolved enforced disappearances.” He cites the International Commission of Justice (ICJ) statement of July 27 to confer Sri Lanka the dubious distinction having “one of the highest numbers of cases of unresolved enforced disappearance worldwide, with estimates ranging between 60,000 and 100,000 individual cases” during the civil war. This will add to Sri Lanka’s lack of international accountability for war crimes raised at the UNHRC, hanging like an albatross around the neck of successive governments.

The Chemmani mass grave and ISLA brings back memories of Neelakandan Tiruchelvam, civil rights lawyer, another July martyr. He was murdered by the LTTE on June 29, 1999 for his work along with GL Peiris for President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s 1995 constitutional reform. The devolution plan, known as GL-Neelan Package (also known as the New Deal) was released in August 1995. It went beyond the 13^th Amendment. Political schism within Sinhala and Tamil politicians watered down the recommendations.

Neelan, the brilliant constitutional lawyer and TULF parliamentarian, spoke in parliament as soon as Chemmani witness Rajapakse indicated the mass burial at Chemmani. In his speech on July 22, 1998 on the need to properly investigate the mass grave allegations, he gave a blueprint for the investigation. This is valid for investigating all the 19 mass graves in the country. The mass burials pose technical problems greater than exhumation of individual graves. As Shanmugadas points out in his article “Citing the UN Model Protocol, he[Neelan] stressed that a burial recovery should be handled with the same exacting care given to a crime-scene search” and that “disinterment by untrained persons should be prohibited.” He suggested that the work be supervised by a “consulting anthropologist” to prevent the loss of valuable information and the risk of generating false data.

Neelan outlined the three UN-recommended phases of investigation: the collection of “antemortem data” from relatives and witnesses; the “archaeological phase” involving professional excavation and careful documentation of remains; and the “laboratory phase” focusing on analysis through X-rays, trauma identification, and possible DNA testing. We hope, Sri Lanka government investigating the Chemmani mass grave is following Neelan’s suggestion so that the investigation carries greater credibility.  

Recalling Sri Lanka’s July martyrs will not be complete without mentioning the assassination of Appapillai Amirthalingam, the leader of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and leader of the opposition  from 1977 to 1983, on July 13, 1989. A week earlier, I had personally warned him of LTTE plot to assassinate him. He invited me to visit his house to check the security arrangement. On the fateful day a week later, I was scheduled to meet him at 4 PM, he asked me to postpone it, as he can meet me during the reception the Indian High Commission was holding in Taj Samudra. We never met because he was gunned down at his home by LTTE gunmen. That is another story. 

[Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Email: haridirect@gmail.com, Website: https://col.hariharan.info]      

Strategic Competition in the Indo-Pacific – Focus: Sri Lanka Q & A

Col R Hariharan VSM (Retd.)

[Here are my answers to E-mail questions  from a Sri Lanka research scholar   on the big power strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific theatre with special focus on Sri Lanka.]

 

Strategic churn up in Indo-Pacific

 

1 a. How do you assess the strategic competition between China, India, and the US in the Indo Pacific, especially around Sri Lanka?

  b. Can Sri Lanka play an active role in the Indo-Pacific by balancing major powers?

While examining the strategic competition between China, India and the US, with focus on Sri Lanka, in the Indo-Pacific we need to remember the island state’s unique geostrategic location. Sri Lanka dominates the sea lanes of communication, mid-way.

Sri Lanka in combination with the choke points of Bay of Bengal - Malacca Straits and Lombok and Sunda Straits can bring maritime traffic in Indo-Pacific to a halt. Realising this, the US, EU and its Western allies as well as China and Japan have invested in maintaining good relations with Sri Lanka. China has emerged as the most powerful naval power in the Indo-Pacific region. China had been claiming almost the whole of South China Sea intruding into the EEZ of neighbouring countries like Vietnam, Philippines, Indonesia etc. This has been a cause of concern, not only for China’s neighbours, but also for the major users of Indo-Pacific seas.  The four-nation Quad framework of Australia, India, Japan and the US represents is part of their efforts to keep the supply chains of Indo-Pacific open.

Ever since President Xi Jinping came to power in 2013, Sri Lanka and India’s western neighbour Pakistan, have become important destinations for China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Route (MSR). China has tried to cultivate its relations with Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka’s strategic importance for Indo-Pacific security of China has increased as US-China relations have become significantly more confrontational and competitive under President Trump.

The US under Trump saw a departure from decades of engagement-focused US policy, replaced by a more assertive and often unilateral approach aimed at pressuring China on trade, technology, and geopolitical influence. While some high-level talks v have continued, and areas of potential cooperation are still being explored (as evidenced by recent US Secretary of State meetings), the underlying dynamic has shifted towards a deeper, more durable superpower rivalry. This has led to increased uncertainty and turbulence in the relationship, with implications for global trade, security, and diplomatic efforts. It is going to be increasingly difficult for a small country like Sri Lanka to manoeuvre in this turbulent environment building up in the Indo-Pacific region.

2. How does the India and US strategic cooperation in regards to Indian ocean affect Sri Lanka, directly or indirectly? Do you think this cooperation helps create balance in the region, or does it increase pressure on smaller countries like Sri Lanka?

President Trump has disturbed the balanced relationship US had tried to achieve in the country’s foreign policy as a whole. His involvement in support of Israel in its wars in Gaza and against Iran has sent shock waves in the carefully crafted US relations with the Arab world. As a result, in South Asia the US-Pakistan relations are being reset.

We can see the beginnings of Cold War 2.0 waged by the US under Trump and NATO allies against Russia, China and North Korea. Trump has weaponised US tariff rates to reassert and ostensibly strengthen US dollar.   

Both POTUS and NATO have sent clear signals that they would not allow BRICS alliance (with Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa as founders) to gain the leadership of the Global South.

In this strategic churn up, India is in the process of readjusting its political and strategic priorities. This is best illustrated by Operation Sindoor, carried out by India against Pakistan in May 2025 in response to Pak-inspired terrorist attack on civilian tourists in Pehalgam in Jammu and Kashmir. India’s military response has demonstrated a high degree of military precision and coordination across India’s armed forces striking targets linked to Pakistan based terrorist groups without crossing the border. India has demonstrated terrorist locations of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) deep inside Pakistan, if and when necessary. It showed a shift in India's counter-terrorism doctrine towards more calibrated offensive action.

Operation Sindoor also involved diplomatic and strategic messaging to the international community. India has demonstrated that Pakistan must be accountable for terrorist acts in India by carrying out temporary suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty, closure of the Attari-Wagah border, and suspension of bilateral trade with Pakistan.

On the other hand, India was probably disappointed when US adopted a "neutral stance" rather than offering unequivocal support for India against terrorism. In a belated action, the US has proscribed The Resistance Front responsible for the terrorist attack in Pahalgam. At the same time, Trump and his government are sending signals that the US was sliding back to treating parity between India and Pakistan.

India’s new found assertive stance can cause some concern to India’s smaller neighbours like Maldives and Sri Lanka. We can expect India to take measures to reassure them by infrastructure and energy links as well as promote joint economic activity.

These developments indicate that Indo-Pacific region is heading for turbulence as the churn up in the wake of POTUS tariff war against China, Japan, South Korea and India. Coupled with this, the US and EU have hyped the sanctions regime against Russia, as a part of Ukraine war.

These developments are likely to affect South Asian countries which are dependent on cheaper energy resources and tourism from Russia. Sri Lanka’s tea export and readymade garment industry are also likely to be affected.  We can expect China to pressurise Sri Lanka for finalising the Freed Trade agreement as well make existing Chinese infrastructure projects like Colombo port city, Matala airport and Hambantota port profitable.

3. How do you see the current partnership between India and Sri Lanka under the broader Indo-Pacific strategy?

Sri Lanka is separated by peninsular India by about 40 kms of sea only. This makes Sri Lanka the vanguard of India’s maritime security in Indian Ocean Region (IOR). As a corollary, Sri Lanka’s security is physically linked to India’s security. This makes it imperative both countries to maintain good relations. There are both positives and negatives in their shared history, ethnicity, culture and languages impacting their relations. Both the countries have been conscious of this; India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has taken measures to scale down “Big brother” attitude towards Sri Lanka, which had affected the relations in the past. India’s unconditional economic help when Sri Lanka went bankrupt in 2022 is a good example of the state of win-win relations existing at present.  

The Marxist Janata Vimukthi Peramuna had in the past demonstrated anti-Indian and pro-Chinese attitudes. However, the JVP-led National Peoples Power (NPP) alliance government now in power now under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), has shown pragmatism in its approach in handling foreign policy and economic recovery. Don Lal Kantha, minister for agriculture, speaking in parliament during the budget session explained it as part of NPP economic philosophy. He called it ‘aarthika prajaathathrawadaya’ (Economic Democracy).”

4.  a. Why does India view China’s growing influence in Sri Lanka as a threat?

     b. In your view, how can Sri Lanka manage its relationship with China without creating tension with India?

 

As stated earlier, Sri Lanka first priority is to survive the onset of strategic turbulence likely to hit the Indo-Pacific region, between an assertive India and aggressive China. During 2024-2025,   President Dissanayake has successfully done some tight rope walking to manage the rival pulls and pressures of India and China. 

Comparing AKD’s visits to China and India

President Dissanayake visited China from 14-17 January 2025. The joint statement issued after his meeting with President Xi Jinping is interesting when compared with the joint statement issued after President Dissanayake’s visit to New Delhi in December 2024. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had “affirmed India’s continued commitment to support Sri Lanka in its economic stabilization efforts for its economic recovery and economic growth.” PM Modi further assured President Dissanayake that India's approach would be investment-based and grant-oriented to reduce the debt burden on Sri Lanka and to assist them in generating economic opportunities that are long-term and sustainable and will eventually contribute to growing the absolute size of the Sri Lankan economy. (Emphasis added).

In contrast, the joint statement issued in Beijing gives a glimpse of how China views its relationship with smaller countries like Sri Lanka. China focused on "mutual trust, support, respect, win-win cooperation, and common development" while reiterating "its commitment to an independent foreign policy of peace." It expressed its “firm support for Sri Lanka in safeguarding its independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity.” Sri Lanka, while reaffirming this, reiterated "its commitment to an independent, non-aligned foreign policy." Sri Lanka expressed "its commitment to the one-China principle, recognizing the People's Republic of China as the sole legal government representing the whole of China, and Taiwan is an inalienable part of China's territory" along with strong opposition to "Taiwan independence." Sri Lanka pledged not to allow anti-China or separatist activities on its territory.

For the first time, Sri Lanka “reassured its support to China regarding its policies with Xizang (Tibet) and Xinjiang.” The explicit emphasis on Tibet and Xinjiang for the first time shows China’s anxiety in seeking reassurance from a Buddhist country like Sri Lanka. Some of the other agreements of interest signed during the visit are discussed below.

Energy security and Hambantota Oil Refinery

During AKD’s visit to Beijing an agreement was signed with Sinopec Group for establishing a state-of-the art oil refinery at Hambantota. The refinery estimated to cost $ 3.7 billion, will have a capacity of 200,000 barrels daily, mainly for export. It also reflected the significance of Hambantota as a strategic economic hub for China.

 Sri Lanka’s opted for a high-cost oil refinery project might appear contrary to its goal of achieving energy self-sufficiency through renewable energy sources by 2030. However, it gives Sri Lanka the option to diversify its energy sources, reducing its dependence on imported refined petroleum products. It can also stimulate economic growth in the region and create jobs. Most importantly, the large-scale Chinese investment project strengthens Sri Lanka’s strategic partnership with China with potential for more investments in allied industries.

As against this, India’s approach towards Sri Lanka’s energy security is more holistic. The emphasis is on the need for reliable, affordable and timely energy resources to meet the basic needs of the people. The Indian and Sri Lankan leaders had agreed to take steps towards the implementation of the solar power project in Sampur, continue discussion on supply of LNG from India to Sri Lanka, establishing a high-capacity power grid connecting India and Sri Lanka.

Both countries also agreed to cooperate with the UAE to implement a multi-product pipeline from India to Sri Lanka to supply affordable energy. They had also agreed to jointly develop offshore wind power potential in Palk Straits, paying attention to environmental protection. Both the leaders had agreed to continue with the development of Trincomalee tank farms and develop Trincomalee as a regional energy and industrial hub. 

Financial and Technical Assistance

China granted Sri Lanka RMB 500 million for Economic and Technical Cooperation. They also agreed to create an Investment and Economic Cooperation Working Group to enhance bilateral trade and encourage investments. The CBSL and the PBoC renewed their Bilateral Currency Swap Agreement in December 2024. This agreement, originally signed in 2021, allows for a currency swap facility of RMB10 billion (approximately USD 1.4 billion). The renewed agreement extends the facility for another three years. The financial cooperation agreement aims to enhance economic stability and support trade between the two countries.

As against this, India ‘s Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and CBSL entered into a bilateral currency swap agreement on July 24, 2020. This was part of the SAARC Currency Swap Framework 2019-23. Under this agreement CBSL can draw up to $400 million in multiple tranches to meet short term forex requirements. The CBSL and RBI are also discussing securing an additional $1 billion under a special swap agreement.

BRI and Maritime cooperation

Greater commitment for integrated development of infrastructure projects – Colombo Port City and Hambantota Port – which are expected to draw more investments and offer economic opportunities. China also wants Sri Lanka’s participation in the BRI Green Development Coalition in view of climate change. They have agreed to collaborate in disaster prevention, mitigation and emergency management and rescue. They are to negotiate a MoU on Ocean Cooperation towards a Blue Partnership for sustainable use of ocean resources. This will mean more Chinese “research ships” visiting Sri Lanka’s neighbourhood.

Security cooperation with China and India

China and Sri Lanka in their joint statement recognised “judicial, law enforcement and security cooperation as an important component of bilateral cooperation, and stand ready to jointly crack down on cross-border crimes such as telecom fraud and online gambling. China is ready to do its best to support capacity building in Sri Lanka's judicial, law enforcement and security areas and provide assistance with police supplies.” This is interesting as it may lead to the establishment of Chinese police stations in Sri Lanka. According to a Brookings report “between 2016 and 2022, four local Chinese public security bureaus established 102 overseas police service stations in 53 countries across North and South America, Europe, Africa, and Asia.

India’s security cooperation with Sri Lanka is on a different level. The New Delhi joint statement says the two countries “reaffirmed their commitment to work together in countering traditional and non-traditional threats as well as to ensure a free, open, safe and secure Indian Ocean Region. India being Sri Lanka’s closest maritime neighbour, President Disanayaka reiterated Sri Lanka’s stated position of not permitting its territory to be used in any manner inimical to the security of India as well as towards regional stability.”

The two countries agreed to explore the possibility of concluding a framework Agreement on Defence Cooperation. India had also agreed to extend assistance in providing defence platforms and assets to augment Sri Lanka’s defence capabilities with tailor made training programmes.

Enterprise support

China has agreed to continue supporting Sri Lankan tea, gems, and other enterprises. This programme “would propel exports of Sri Lankan goods.” The leader’s discussion “included various ways to push forward digital transformation, green development, and logistics to offer Sri Lanka an opportunity to introduce modernized activities within industries.

During President AKD’s New Delhi visit, he expressed Sri Lanka’s interest in exploring the establishment of people-centric digitization as in India to improve governance, service delivery and social welfare. Accordingly, India agreed to help in expediting implementation of Sri Lanka's Unique Digital Identity (SLUDI) project and assist Sri Lanka to roll out Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI). India had also agreed to promote digital financial transactions by extending the use of UPI digital payments to benefit both countries.

Role of US and China in India-Pakistan Confrontation Q & A

Col R Hariharan VSM (Retd)

[Here are my answers to a few questions from the media on the subject on June 15, 2025.]

 

1. Why could tension between India and Pakistan strengthen America's strategy to contain China in Asia?  Does India-Pakistan conflicts like the recent Op Sindoor open a strategic window for the US against the communist regime?

I don't think tension between India and Pakistan strengthens US strategy to contain China in Asia. It will involve the US wholeheartedly politically, militarily and internationally supporting India against Pakistan which is a close political, economic and military ally of China. On the contrary, American conduct during Op Sindoor has been to call for peace on both the warring nations - without calling on Pakistan to disband Jihadi terrorist camps which triggered Op Sindoor which triggered the war. 

China has also been careful in commenting on Op Sindoor though it had expressed its support to Pakistan. Its call to India and Pakistan to seek peaceful means to solve issues is a case in point. 

We should not attach too much importance to the US role in bringing peace after Op Sindoor as India had planned to neutralise terrorist hideouts and PAF support bases which retaliated. The US probably advised Pakistan to sue for peace after the PAF air bases were hit because they are handy for USAF to use if needed as its ally Israel's war against Iran was looming in the horizon.

 

2. Why and how does the US aim to contain China in Asia and how does it plan to use its ties with India to achieve the mission?

In my perception the order of US priority in its relations with China will be: 

a. To bring US-China trade to equitable levels. Already talks are on and intermediate solutions have been found. 

b. To control and find alternative sources for essential imports like computer chips, rare earths, solar panels etc from China to reduce over dependence on China. India could become an alternate source just like Ukraine with which US has signed a pact for rare earths mining.

c. To ensure US and allies in SE Asia & ANZUS continue to enjoy freedom of navigation in South China Sea and overt Chinese threat against Taiwan, Japan and South Korea are minimised. 

d. Build closer relations with India and smaller South Asian allies to keep Indian Ocean waters free from build up of PLA-N threat. 

e. India is the only US ally with the longest land border with China. So we can expect the US to provide intelligence and space based support in India's military confrontation with China. However, this will depend upon India continuing to buy essential military equipment/ technology in becoming increasingly dependent upon China from the US. The delay in GE engines for Tejas aircraft and Apache helicopter deliveries are cases in point. The US will continue to pressurise India for purchase of military hardware. 

 

3. Was Trump's abrupt announcement of ceasefire between India and Pakistan meant to ensure that China did not get credit for defusing the situation at some point of time? 

No. I don't think so. I view it in the overall context of Trump's failure to persuade two major conflicts he had promised both Putin and Zelensky to end the war in Ukraine as well as making no headway in the Palestine conflict going on between Israel (supported by US) and Hamas, actively supported by Iran and sentimentally supported by the Muslim world. 

Over the years, US Deep State has created assets in Pakistan Army and among political parties despite Pakistan's  aberrations like giving refuge to Afghan Taliban e leaders while the US troops were  fighting in Afghanistan,  the Osama affair and Pak involvement exporting jihadi terrorism in India. In the last two decades, the US had been building better relations with India to check China's increasing strategic influence using Belt & Road Initiative. This has become relevant to US as India is emerging as a global economic and military power with potential conflict with China on the border issue. India has welcomed the move to build closer relations with the US and its South East Asian allies. Despite its limitations, the QUAD framework is an example of this. 

So, Trump has used his assets in Pakistan and good relations he enjoys with PM Narendra Modi to end the three-day war between them. Coincidentally for Trump, India seems to have planned a quick end to Op Sindoor  mainly to teach a lesson to Pakistan not to give support to Jihadi terrorists for their operations in India.  

 

4. Given the way the recent India-Pakistan air conflict became an arms race event between the West and China, does the US seriously consider extending arms (F-35s), intelligence and technological support to India in its conflicts with Pakistan to indirectly teach China a lesson? Or would the US keep things covert?

I have answered this question partially on US priorities in earlier questions. I think F35 is too costly for India, lessening its appeal as against the F16 which the US had been already trying to push in India. On intelligence and other tech support, particularly on maritime warfare, some sort of cooperation exists between India and US. During ops it can be expected to go up.,

 

5. The US still is an arms provider to Pakistan (read F-16s). There are also talks of  US eyeing Pakistan's mineral resources. Is it realistic for the US to side with India in a conflict with Pakistan to corner China? The recent developments suggest that the US was not really favouring India at least openly. 

Already this has been answered in earlier questions. POTUS Trump is a transactional strategist. So, his decision making will be dictated by (what in his perception) is good for America. India should not be surprised by his actions in critical times. 

 

6. Is the US's China containment policy more focused on restricting Beijing's access to the Indian Ocean Region, which is key in terms of strategic location and a major trade route? Does India play a significant part in controlling PLA-N activity in Indian Ocean?

This is a major subject. China’s visible presence has made India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy more relevant not only to India’s national security, but also its trade and commerce. Conscious of this, PM Modi revamped maritime cooperation doctrine with the launch of the SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) initiative March 12, 2015, to build better relations with island nations of IOR - Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius, and Seychelles.  India has recently revamped the SAGAR initiative. 

The Indian Navy maintains vigilant watch over key Indian Ocean choke points through a combination of persistent deployments, advanced surveillance platforms, and strategic partnerships. Indian warships are deployed to watch round the clock choke points in Strait of Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, Strait of Malacca and Sunda Strait for potential threats. In addition to this, surveillance assets using P-81 Poseidon aircraft conduct daily long range maritime patrols, offering high resolution radar and electro-optical surveillance. The GSAT-7 Rukmini satellite provides secure naval communication and enhances maritime awareness across Indian Ocean Region.

India conducts joint patrols and naval exercises with regional and extra regional partners like the US, France, Australia, and Japan. These collaborations improve interoperability and extend India's surveillance reach. India has created the Andaman Nicobar Command and INS Baaz to monitor choke points, the Malacca Strait. These serve as intelligence outposts for rapid deployment.

 

7. Does the US also gain, if China remains focused on India-Pakistan tension towards its western front, drawing Xi’s attention from the strategic South China Sea and Strait of Malacca trade route to the east and south?

The answer to the question lies in the four dimensions of China - Pakistan relationship. These are:

a. Internally, China's weakest borders are Xinjiang and Tibet, because Hans are in minority. Historically they had been independent or enjoyed various levels of autonomy. Since 1958, CCP has tried to curb them through Hanisation. China considers Jihadi terrorism in Afghanistan and Pakistan as existential threats to its frontier regions. So, it considers cultivating relations with Pakistan & Afghanistan essential for China's war against terrorism. Pakistan has suppressed Uyghur independence activists from using Pak territory for their operations in Xinjiang.

b. Pakistan provides an alternate sea access to China's east by-passing choke points of Indian Ocean dominated by India and its Western allies. So, China has used BRI to build multimodal connectivity to Xinjiang through Pakistan so that China's shipping resources reduce their risk.

c. Strategically it suits China to cultivate Pakistan which is hostile to India since its creation and China has long pending territorial and boundary disputes with India since they went to war in 1962. This was evident during Op Sindoor, during which India had to keep a watch on China as Pakistan military is largely armed by China and China was providing satellite communication support during Pakistan's military operations. 

d. Globally, China's emerging as a strategic challenger to the US' global influence. At the same time, India is also growing as a global economic and military power, though not in the same league as China and the US. This has led to the US and its Western and Eastern allies wooing India for building better relations to protect their supply chains and strengthen their strategic posture in South and East Asia. China would like to cut down India to size so that it does not become a potential challenger to China in Asia, with or without the help of US and its western allies.  

Sri Lanka: Three things for NPP to ‘Come of Age’

 Col R Hariharan

Sri Lanka Perspectives June 2025 | South Asia Security Trends, July 2025 | https://www.security-risks.com

For the ruling National Peoples Power (NPP) group led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka (AKD), the local government (LG) elections held during May 2025 was one of the coming-of-age tests at national level. By the third week of June, NPP managed to gain control of 192 LG councils although it had secured majority only in 151 of them. According to media reports, though the NPP had no majority in 40 councils, it managed to take control with the support of local coalition partners or post-election agreements. In one council the NPP managed to take charge of the administration with some understanding of the opposition. No doubt, NPP’s political success in this manoeuvre would increase its confidence to face mainstream political parties led by veteran leaders.

But for JVP-led NPP to sustain its quest for national status as a matured group, success in national elections is not enough. Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) founded by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is a very good example of the fleeting nature of public adulation. It suffered  drubbings in both the presidential and parliamentary elections. Even in the LG elections it could secure majority only three councils, underlining that the Rajapaksas are yet to regain public trust. 

The Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) performed a little better, capturing the administration in 21 local bodies. The Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) with a score of 13 local bodies, seems to have regained some of its support base. The Ceylon Workers Congress emerged successful only in three councils. Other parties/groups have taken control of 13 councils. The NPP will have to look hard at 22 local councils where it where it could not form the administration although it had the highest number of seats.

But electoral success in three national elections is only the first step for NPP’s sustainability in the national political mainstream. It has to make a difference by delivering clean administration because It is a long time since Sri Lanka had one. National political parties had accepted political corruption as the done thing. The Aragalaya agitation had shown that people are not prepared to accept it and, in the rebound, elected the NPP conglomerate in three successive elections. They expect it to deliver a corruption free administration.

 AKD has realised this as early as December 2024.  The President addressing the heads of government departments thundered “The confidence of citizens in institutional systems has been shattered, and institutions themselves have lost faith in their own authority. This deterioration is due to the corrosive effects of this political culture….While we may not reverse this situation entirely in a year or two, we are committed to making a meaningful effort.”

However, as Lord Acton’s cliché goes "Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely," AKD should worry about the after effects of NPP gaining power at the local level, particularly in large municipal councils like Colombo, Galle, Kurunegala, Puttalam and Nuwara Eliya. It is not going to be an easy task for AKD because the Local government system corroded by corrupt practices offer easy pickings for NPP’s neophyte members. The NPP would do well to educate the first-time members on their conduct and accountability to the public.

Systemic challenges

For too long, governance in Sri Lanka has been affected by systemic aberrations. AKD’s good intentions are not enough to improve governance due to systemic challenges. During the month, there were two examples of systemic aberrations right under the “nose” of the President. The first related to the release of convicted bank fraudster Athula Thilakaratne under the Presidential Pardon on Vesak Poya Day, on May 12, though he did not figure in the President’s list of pardoned prisoners. News reports of the incident triggered widespread public outcry and questions in Parliament from the Opposition.

Although the Prisons Department justified the release the convict was eligible for release under general guidelines and it was nor politically motivated, the incident dented AKD’s credibility. The President’s Media Division (PMD) had to issue a statement clarifying that Thilakaratne’s name was not on the official list of inmates approved for pardon by the President. It explained that the President can grant pardon only upon receiving a vetted list of eligible inmates from the Ministry of Justice, based on recommendations from the Department of Prisons.

Preliminary investigations by the CID have indicated that some more convicts were also released after they were falsely classified as recipients of the Presidential Pardon. After this, the CID questioned the Commissioner General of Prisons and widened the scope of investigations to include prison officers involved in the process, as part of an ongoing official inquiry.

The second instance pertains to the appointment of Tysers Insurance Brokers Ltd (TIBL) — a UK-based firm with questionable reputation —as the broker of record by the National Insurance Trust Fund (NITF) operating under the Ministry of Finance. In February 2024, Fraud Section of the US Department of Justice (DOJ), Criminal Division is said to have filed a case against TIBL under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). The TIBL reportedly entered into a deferred prosecution agreement, agreeing to pay a substantial fine and forfeit assets to resolve the charges. According to the DOJ, TIBL was also engaged in a multimillion-dollar bribery scheme to influence Ecuadorian Government officials.

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) is probing the case based on a formal complaint from an advocate. It will be interesting to know how the foreign brokerage managed to overcome the government’s strict vetting process as required by the Insurance Regulatory Commission of Sri Lanka (IRCSL)

Bringing a closure on genocide allegations

Even as POTUS Trump was making the UN largely irrelevant, Sri Lanka Government rolled out the red carpet for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) Volker Türk’s visit to the country from June 23 to 26. Sri Lanka had made human rights commitments at the UNHRC to investigate allegations of war crimes and human rights violations. However, they have been on the backburner in the past few years. However, Sri Lanka’s commitments will come up once again during the September session of the UNHRC. At the session, when the High Commissioner Turk will submit his findings on Sri Lanka during his visit, along with reports from key members of the Core Group on Sri Lanka – the UK, Canada, and Germany.

During his visit, the UN High Commissioner met with not only the President and PM but with opposition leaders and religious heads as well. He visited the mass grave at Chemmani, near Jaffna. His statement thereafter says it all: “My visit yesterday to the recently re-opened mass grave at Chemmani was a compelling reminder that the past haunts the lives of many in Sri Lanka…I heard from many mothers during my visit to Jaffna and Trincomalee, as well as victims of enforced disappearances in the south. A woman from a southern province, whose husband disappeared in 1989, for example, she still goes from town to town searching, and that the tears of Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslims are the same… Acknowledgement and truth-telling are important steps towards healing and closure, as are justice, reparation and non-recurrence.”

We do not know what AKD had promised the UN High Commissioner or what stand Sri Lanka will take in UNHRC session in September. But his own JVP party had lost 10,000 to 20,000 people suspected of being JVP sympathizers in 1971 insurrection. In the second JVP insurrection between 1987and 1989, an estimated 60,000 to 80,000 young people suspected of JVP sympathies were killed by the State. Over 20,000 people disappeared after being taken into custody. Of course, Eelam Wars had left its own mass graves and forced disappearances.

How can AKD and NPP afford to ignore this gory history? NPP/JVP will never come of age unless they make accountability for war crimes and human rights articles of faith. Firstly, they can take follow up action on the data already collected on enforced disappearances. Secondly, resurrect prosecuted during the wars/insurrections but abandoned thereafter. For instance, the Chemmani mass grave came to light during the 1998 trial of Sri Lanka soldiers for the rape and murder of Krishanthi Kumaraswamy. One of the convicted soldier Somaratne Rajapakse testified 300-400 Tamil civilians were executed and buried in Chemmani after the military recaptured Jaffna in 1995-96. There one too many such abandoned/pardoned cases.

Tailpiece – Bringing back the Super Cop: Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Shani Abeysekara has been reappointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) with the approval of the National Police Commission (NPC). Abeysekera’s return to the helm of the CID comes after nearly five years, shows the government is serious about independent investigations. His initial stint as Director of CID (2017-19) was characterised by several high-profile probes that drew both praise and criticism. Among the most notable investigations under his leadership were the murder of journalist and Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, the disappearance of cartoonist Prageeth Eknaligoda, and probes into the controversial Avant-Garde maritime arms scandal and the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks. He earned accolades for investigating these cases as they involved several influential figures.

[Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Email: haridirect@gmail.com, Website: https://col.hariharan.info]     

Sri Lanka: AKD coming to terms with quirks of democracy

Col R Hariharan

Sri Lanka Perspectives May 2025 | South Asia Security Trends, June 2025 | https://www.security-risks.com

The month of May saw President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka (also known as AKD) coming to terms with the pleasures and pains of democracy in action. This was brought out starkly in two equally important events during the month. The first was the local government (LG) elections where the ruling National People's Power (NPP)’s vote share declined to almost 43% from the whopping 62% of votes it had obtained at the Parliamentary election. Though the President and Prime Minister had extensively campaigned, decline in voter turnout in the LG election is probably due to lack of enthusiasm among the younger voters in local issues. It also showed NPP has a lot of work to do at the grassroot level to establish itself.

LG elections

The NPP won 265 local councils – 23 municipal councils, 25 urban councils and 217 Pradeshiya sabhas. The opposition SJB won 14 councils. Smaller parties and independent groups scored in 23 councils. NPP came first in 120 councils where opposition parties exceeded NPP’s numbers. The decline in votes secured by NPP should not obfuscate the poor performance in the LG elections by the established mainstream parties including the SLFP and SLPP. In the Northern Province, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) won in 37 councils.it It showed that NPP is yet to establish its roots at the local level, though it had performed surprisingly well in the parliamentary poll.  The LG poll also showed that Tamil nationalism alone is not enough to impress the voters at the local level.

Moment of truth at Heroes Day

The other event where AKD had a moment of truth as President was his hesitant participation in the 16th National War Heroes Day on May 19. The day marks the final victory over the LTTE in the Eelam wars. As commander in chief of the armed forces and the minister of defence, the President usually presides over the commemoration event. Apparently AKD’s decision to attend the event was a last minute one as the invitation for the occasion did not contain his name . His speech on the occasion revealed how he views the commemoration event. The President’s focus was the cost of the war, while honouring the sacrifice of soldiers and civilians during the war. AKD pointed out “Not only in the South, but also in the North, people hold up photographs of their husbands and children on the streets and mourn their deaths. To every parent, their child is precious. So, as a country that has faced such a massive tragedy, our responsibility today is to prevent such a war from happening again in our country.” The speech signified his belief in fostering a collective memory of the civil war in which every community suffered.

By avoiding terms that could alienate minority communities, AKD probably chose to emphasise the collective memory of all victims of the civil war, regardless of their ethnicity. As civil activist Jehan Perera wrote, perhaps it was an attempt to shift the national discourse from one of division to one of unity and healing. In his speech, AKD said “Many soldiers sacrificed their lives to bring this war to a conclusion.” As Jehan Perera wrote, “the preference to use the neutral term ‘soldiers’ instead of the traditional ‘war heroes’ would be due to his recognition of the great divide he presides over.”

AKD’s choice of words in his speech may be beyond semantics to move “away from divisive rhetoric and towards a more inclusive national identity.” Can he really do so in the face of Sinhala nationalist and Tamil separatist rhetorics which had historically fanned ethnic passions in the island nation? Only time will tell.

Coming to terms with corruption

AKD seems to be overcoming the democratic malady of past presidents ignoring politician-criminal nexus. Though Sri Lanka enacted the Bribery Act as early as 1954, it was rarely enforced and its provisions became outdated. The Presidential Task Force on Corruption was launched in 2015 with a lot of fanfare but collapsed due to political indifference. The Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) was initially effective but became selective due to political interference.  

AKD launched the National Anti-Corruption Action Plan (NACAP) 2025-2029 on April 9, 2025. It is a strategic initiative by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery and Corruption (CIABOC) to reaffirm commitment to strengthening governance, enhancing transparency, and combating corruption at all levels. It builds upon the successes achieved by the Action Plan 2019-2023 and provides a more comprehensive roadmap. The launch of this plan comes after the enactment of Sri Lanka's Anti-Corruption Act No. 09 of 2023. This Act expanded the mandate of CIABOC beyond just investigation and prosecution to include implementation and oversight of national anti-corruption strategies.

The NACAP 2025-2029 is structured around four core strategic pillars: preventive measures; strengthening and enhancing the capacity of anti-corruption institutions and the legal framework for enforcement; promoting integrity and ethical values from early age; strengthening national legal and policy frameworks to combat bribery and corruption.

More than all these, President AKD has strongly endorsed the plan, determined to resolve the fight against corruption within the current generation. Public officials have been given a six-month grace period until May 2025 to align with the government’s zero tolerance stance.

Several old cases of former Sri Lankan ministers and MPs are being dusted up and many are facing legal proceedings related to corruption and financial misconduct. According to Ceylon Today quoting CIABOC sources four former top cabinet ministers and two former state ministers are expected to be indicted in Colombo High Court on bribery charges. These investigations were initiated after 2015, the report added.

Those who voted for AKD are probably heartened to see former ministers Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Nalin Fernando have been sentenced to 20 years and 25 years of rigorous imprisonment respectively, by the Colombo Permanent High Court Trial-at-Bar. It relates to the misappropriation of Rs. 53.1 million for the import of 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 draughts boards, intended for distribution to sports clubs between September 1 and December 31, 2014.

The CIABOC has filed an indictment before the Colombo High Court against former minister Chandrani Bandara alleging abuse of power and corruption during her tenure as Minister of Women and Child Affairs and Dry Zone (January 14 - 31, 2019). According to the indictment, the former minister is accused of unlawfully appointing HM Chandrawansa as the Project Director in the Ministry of Dry Zone Development. She is also alleged to have influenced the appointment of several associates to various positions in violation of legal protocols.

Former Minister of Agriculture Duminda Dissanayake, arrested on May 23 in connection with the finding of a gold-plated T-56 assault rifle at a house in Colombo, has been further remanded until 05 June. He will be produced before the Mount Lavinia Magistrate’s Court yesterday.

Former Minister Mervyn Silva is facing bribery and corruption charges filed by the CIABOC. The case, presented before the Colombo High Court, alleges that Silva amassed assets far exceeding his declared lawful income during his tenure as Minister from March 31, 2010 to March 31, 2012.

Former health minister Keheliya Rambukwella has already been arrested for exploiting an Indian credit line to buy inferior medicines while in office. His son Ramith has also been arrested in connection with corruption charges.

Namal Rajapaksa is out on bail for alleged misappropriation of funds the Krrish Hotel project funds LKR 70 million from an Indian firm. The CID launched an investigation in April 2025 into allegations of Namal cheating in a law examination to obtain his Attorney at Law qualification in 2010. He was summoned by the CID in February 2025 for questioning related to an investigation into corruption related to a Sri Lankan Airlines deal with Airbus in 2013.

Yoshitha Rajapaksa, former Naval officer, faces several cases of money laundering and dubious deals. He was arrested in January 2025 in a land-related case in Ratmalana valued at LKR 34 million under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act. He has been released on a bail bond of LKR 100 million and barred from leaving the country. He also faces allegations related to the purchase of a house in Dehiwala for LKR 50 million. There are allegations against his investments in the Carlton Sports Network. Yositha was arrested in 2016 during the Sirisena government on a money laundering charge related to the purchase of a television network.

It seems AKD is serious about bringing to book all the political leaders tainted by corruption. It will be interesting to see how AKD and the Rajapaksas handle when Namal and Yositha, sons of former, are convicted in one of the cases now in the court. That is probably the challenge both AKD and the Rajapaksas’ are awaiting.

[Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Email: haridirect@gmail.com, Website: https://col.hariharan.info]     

 

இலங்கை அதிபர் திசாநாயக்கவின் தேர்வு - ஒரு புரிதல்

கேணல் ஆர் ஹரிஹரன் | வீரகேசரி | 11 மே 2025

https://www.virakesari.lk/article/214451 

ஜே.வி.பி என்று பொதுவாக அறியப்படும் இடதுசாரி கட்சியான ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுன (மக்கள் விடுதலை முன்னணி) சிங்கள தேசியவாதத்தை முன் வைத்து இரு முறை மார்க்கசீயவாத ஆயுதப்புரட்சி செய்து இலங்கையின்  சரித்திரத்தில் தனக்கென தனி இடத்தை பெற்றது. அதன் பின்னர், 2014ல் இருந்து அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க (ஏ.கே.டி)  தலைமையில் ஜே.வி.பி ஆயுதப் புரட்சியை கைவிட்டு தனது மார்க்கசிய கொள்கைகளை நடைமுறை அரசியலுக்கு ஏற்ப புதுப்பித்து ஜனநாயக அரசியலில் நுழைந்தது. அதற்கு ஏற்ப, ஜேவிபி தலைமையில் தொழிலாளர் சங்கங்கள் மற்றும் சிறிய இடதுசாரி கட்சிகள் ஆகியவை ஒருங்கிணைந்து 21 அங்கத்தினர் கொண்ட தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி என்ற பெயரில் அரசியல் வியூகம் செயல்பட்டு வந்தது.

ஆனால் இலங்கை தேர்தல்களில் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியால் முன்னணி கட்சிகளான ஐக்கிய தேசிய கட்சி, இலங்கை விடுதலை கட்சி மற்றும் மஹிந்த ராஜபக்ச ஆரம்பித்த ஸ்ரீலங்கா பொதுஜன முன்னணி ஆகியவற்றுக்கு ஈடு கொடுக்க முடியவில்லை. உதாரணமாக, 2019-ம் ஆண்டு நவம்பர் மாதம் நடந்த ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் தேசிய மக்கள் சார்பில் போட்டியிட்ட ஏ.கே.டி. மொத்த வாக்குகளில் 3.16 சதவிகதமே பெற்றார் என்பது குறிப்பிடத் தக்கது.   

இத்தகைய அரசியல் சூழலில் அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க கடந்த ஆண்டு  செப்டம்பர் 21-ந் தேதி நடந்த ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் 55.89 சதவிகிதம் வாக்குகள் பெற்று வியக்கத் தக்க வெற்றி கண்டார். இடதுசாரி குறிக்கோளுடன் இயங்கும் கட்சியை சேர்ந்த ஒருவர் ஜனாதிபதியாக தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப் படுவது இதுவே முதன் முறையாகும்.

இடதுசாரி அரசியல் ஆணை அந்நாட்டில் என்ன விளைவுகளை ஏற்படுத்தும்? இது இலங்கையில் மட்டும் அல்லாமல், இந்திய துணைக் கண்ட அரசியலில் ஈடுபாடுள்ள அனைவரும் எதிர் கொள்ளும் ஒரு கேள்வியாகும்.

இலங்கையின் தற்கால அரசியலே அதற்கு விடை அளிப்பது போல, ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் வெற்றியை தொடர்ந்து, நவம்பர் 14, 2024-ல் நடைபெற்ற நாடாளுமன்ற தேர்தலில் ஜேவிபி தலைமையில் போட்டி இட்ட தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி கூட்டணி 61.56 சத விகிதம் வாக்குகளை பெற்று, 159 ஆசனங்களை கைப்பற்றியது. அதை தொடர்ந்து தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி முதன் முறையாக அரசை அமைத்துள்ளது. அதற்கு முந்தைய நாடாளுமன்ற தேர்தலில்3.8 சத விகித வாக்குகளே பெற்ற தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி எவ்வாறு ஏ.கே.டி தலைமையில் இத்தகைய மகத்தான செல்வாக்கை மக்களிடம் பெற்றது? இடதுசாரி அரசு இலங்கையின் தடுமாறும் பொருளாதாரத்தை சீர்தூக்க இயலுமா? ஏ.கே.டி தலைமையில் அரசு தான் பெற்ற செல்வாக்கை தக்க வைத்துக் கொள்ளுமா?

இத்தகைய கேள்விகளுக்கு விடைகாண இலங்கையின் புலம் பெயர்ந்த (தற்போது கனடாவில் வசிக்கும்) அனுபவம் மிக்க பத்திரிகையாளரான டேவிட் பியூவெல் சபாபதி (டி.பி.எஸ்) ஜெயராஜ்  இலங்கை ஆங்கில நாடேளுகளில் பல கட்டுரைகளை எழுதி வருகிறார்.  அவற்றை தமிழில் மொழிபெயர்த்து மூத்த தமிழ் பத்திரிகையாளரும் தினக்குரல் பத்திரிகை பிரதம ஆசிரியருமான வீரகத்தி தனபாலசிங்கம் இலங்கையின் முன்னணி தமிழ் நாடேளான வீரகேசரியில் பிரசுரித்தார்.

தனபாலசிங்கம் அவற்றில் ஒன்பது கட்டுரைகளின் தொகுப்பை “அரசியல் அதிகாரத்தின் வர்க்க மாற்றம்” என்ற தலைப்பில் புத்தகமாக குமரன் புத்தக இல்லம் பிரசுரமாக இந்தியாவிலும் இலங்கையிலும் வெளியிட்டுள்ளார்.

இந்த புத்தகத்தில் உள்ள முதல் கட்டுரை “அநுர திசாநாயக்க இலங்கை வானில் ‘இடதுசாரி நட்சத்திரம்” ஏ.கே.டியின் எளிய குடும்ப பின்னணியையும், ஜே.வி.பியில் அவரது அரசியல் பிரவேசத்தையும் புரிந்து கொள்ள உதவுகிறது. ஆனால், இந்த கட்டுரையின் தலைப்பின் படி அநுரவின் வெற்றியை சீனாவில் மாசேதுங் தோன்றியதற்கு ஈடாக பார்க்க முடியுமா என்ற கேள்வி எழுகிறது.

கடந்த காலங்களில் ‘இந்திய எதிரி’, ‘தமிழர் எதிரி’,‘மார்க்கசீய பயங்கரவாதி’ ஆகிய மகுடங்களை ஏ.கே.டிக்கு எதிரிகள் சூட்டியுள்ளார்கள். ஆனால், கடந்த ஏழு மாதங்களில் சமயோசித அரசியலுக்கு எடுத்துக்காட்டாக நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதி (Executive President) பதவியில் ஏ,கே.டி செயல்பட்டு வருகிறார். இருந்தாலும் ஜெயராஜ் அளித்துள்ள ‘இலங்கையின் மாசேதுங்’ மகுடம் ஏ.கே.டி-க்கு பொருந்துமா என்பதை இலங்கை மக்கள்தான் வருங்கால தேர்வுகளில் முடிவு செய்ய வேண்டும். ஏனெனில், இலங்கை அரசியல் சரித்திரத்தில் பெரும் தாக்கங்களை ஏற்படுத்திய தலைவர்கள் தற்போது காணாமல் போயிருக்கிறார்கள் என்பதே யதார்த்தம். இதற்கு கோத்தாபய ராஜபக்ச முக்கிய உதாரணமாக திகழ்கிறார்.

இரண்டாம் கட்டுரை ஜே.வி.பி-யில் அநுரவின் வளர்ச்சியைப் பற்றியது. ஜே.வி.பி 1980-90 காலகட்ட கிளர்ச்சியின் போது ரணசிங்க பிரேமதாசா அடக்குமுறையை கட்டவிழ்த்து விட்டு ஜே.வி.பியின் தலைவர்களை அழித்த போது சோமவன்ச அமரசிங்க தலைமையில் அநுர எவ்வாறு ஜேவிபியை மீண்டும் உயிர்ப்பிக்க செயல்பட்டார் என விளக்குகிறது. இதில் சோமவன்சவின் தலைமையில் ஏ.கே.டி யதார்த்த வாதியாக செயல்பட்டதற்கு உதாரணங்கள் உள்ளன.  

கட்டுரைகள் மூன்றும் நான்கும் ஜே.வி.பி மற்றும் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி கூட்டணியின் வளர்ச்சியில் ஏ.கே.டியின் பங்கை விரிவிக்கின்றன. முக்கியமாக 2014-ல் ஜே.வி.பியின் தலைவராக அநுர தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்டார். அவர் தலைமையில் ஜே.வி.பி 2015 எதிர்கொண்ட ஜனாதிபதி மற்றும் பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தல்களில் மகிந்த ராஜபக்ச தோல்வியுற அநுர எவ்வாறு செயல்பட்டார் என்பதை புரிந்து கொள்ள உதவுகிறது. 

ஐந்தாம் கட்டுரை தலைப்புக்கு ஏற்றபடி 2024 ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் வெற்றி காணலாம் என்பதை அநுர எவ்வாறு உணர்ந்தார் என விளக்குகிறது. ஜே.வி.பியில் உள்ள அநுர எதிர்ப்பின் பின்னணியையும் ஜே.வி.பி-தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி உறவுகளில் அந்த காலகட்டத்தில் இருந்த உரசல்களையும் புரிந்து கொள்ள இந்த கட்டுரைகள் உதவும். எவ்வாறு பாசில் ராஜபக்சவின் ஸ்ரீலங்கா பொதுஜன பெரமுனவின் அடிப்படை செயல்பாடுகளை தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி உணர்ந்து கொண்டு அடிப்படை பலத்தை வளர்த்துக் கொண்டது என்பதையும் அறியலாம். ஆறாம் கட்டுரை அறகலய கிளர்ச்சிக்கு பின் விக்கிரம சிங்க இடைக்கால அதிபர் காலத்தில் ஏற்பட்ட பொருளாதார நெருக்கடி காலத்தில் அநுர தலைமையில் ஜேவிபி-தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி கூட்டணி எப்படி மக்களை தனது பக்கம் திசை திருப்ப செயற்பட்டது என்பதை விளக்குகிறது.

என்னை பொருத்தவரை, இந்த புத்தகத்தில் வடக்கு மாகாணத்தில் அநுரவுக்கு அளித்த தமிழர் ஆதரவை அலசும்  கட்டுரைகளான 7 மற்றும் 9 மிக முக்கியமானவை. அவை தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி சற்றும் எதிர்பாராத விதமாக பாராளுமன்றத்தில் மூன்று ஆசனங்களை கைப்பற்றியதை புரிந்து கொள்ள உதவுகிறது. அதுபோலவே கட்டுரை 8 கிழக்கு மாகாணத்தில் தமிழரசு கட்சியின் வெற்றியை விமர்சிக்கிறது.

இந்த புத்தகத்தை உலகெங்கும் வாழும் தமிழர்கள் படித்து தெளிவு பெறுவர் என்று நம்புகிறேன். ஏனெனில் அவர்கள்தான் இலங்கைத் தமிழர்கள் உய்த்து வர உதவுகிறார்கள். இலங்கையிலும் தெற்காசிய உபகண்டத்திலும் அரசியல் மற்றும் சர்வதேச சூழ்நிலைகள் மாறிவருகின்றன. இத்தகைய சூழலில், இலங்கையில் ஏற்பட்டுள் மாற்றங்களை உணர இப்புத்தகம் மிகவும் உதவும் என்பதில் ஐயமில்லை.